Korean Peninsula on the Boil
Yohannan Chemarapally
EVER since the end
of the Korean War
in 1953, the Korean
Peninsula
has been the
source of serious military tensions that have impacted on
the international
community. The war which pitted the North Korea, then backed
by the Communist
Bloc against the US backed South Korea, had ended in a tense
stalemate with the
Korean nation remaining divided along the 38th parallel. The
war, for that
matter, is not even officially over as the US
has only agreed to an armistice,
which is only a temporary agreement for the cessation of
war. When the
armistice agreement was signed, all the sides involved had
pledged that it
would be soon followed by a peace treaty that would lead to
a final peaceful
settlement and reunification of the divided country.
Successive US
administrations however have been consistently refusing to
sign a peace treaty
with the North. The Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea
(DPRK) has been
demanding for the last sixty years for an end to the US
military presence in South
Korea
and the ending of the annual joint military exercises the US
conducts on
the Korean peninsula. The US
keeps around 25,000 to 40,000 troops on the Korean
Peninsula.
There are many other American military bases near the Korean
peninsula,
bristling with nuclear weaponry.
This year, the
month long US-South
Korean military exercises have been more threatening than
usual with the
Americans deploying nuclear capable B-2 Stealth bombers near
the border with
the North. The scale of the military exercises has
dramatically increased since
the death of Kim Jong-Il and the assumption of the top post
by his son. The
exercises, code named “Key Resolve Foal Eagle” which started
in late March have
come in the wake of the nuclear and missile tests conducted
by the North.
Before the joint exercises with South Korea,
the US
conducted exercises
with another of its close allies in the region – Japan.
The new right wing prime minister
of Japan, Shinzo Abe, is using the alleged threat from North
Korea to
officially give up Japan’s pacifist policies, which it had
adopted after its
defeat in World War II. Using the recent developments as a
pretext, there is
increasing clamor in Tokyo
and Seoul
for building a national nuclear
deterrent of their own.
South
Korea had in fact
started secretly
preparing for a nuclear bomb in the early seventies till it
was arm-twisted by Washington to give up
on
the project. The South at the same time keeps its military
budget relatively
low in comparison with the strength of its buoyant economy.
Seoul
prefers to let the US
to play the role of its protector while focusing mainly on
economic growth. South Korea’s
economy is booming in comparison
to that of the North, which now has to mainly depend on China
for trade
as well as aid.
The other long
standing demand of the
DPRK was the holding of direct talks with Washington
to defuse the tensions on the
peninsula and hasten the goal of Korean unification. Washington
has refused to countenance these demands though there were
signs of a rethink
during the last months of the Clinton
administration. President Bill Clinton had dispatched his
secretary of state,
Madeleine Albright to Pyongyang
to kick start talks with the North. Both sides seemed to be
on the verge of
starting a dialogue but the change of guard in the White
House in 2001 once
again brought the situation to square one. After the events
of 9/11, President
George W. Bush put North
Korea,
along with Iraq
and Iran
in his
“axis of evil”, thus readying the countries for “regime
change”. Bush had vowed
to “squeeze North Korea
with every financial sanction possible”, until the economy
collapsed. President
Obama is continuing with the same policies.
But there was a
silver lining as far
as the North was concerned as the government in the South
kept on adhering to
the “sunshine policy” that was ushered in by President Kim
Dae-jung in 1998. President
Kim known as the “Korea’s
Mandela” was the recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize. The
“sunshine policy” had
encouraged political and economic engagement with the North,
which since the nineties
had faced an economic downturn due to a variety of factors,
including a
repeated cycle of droughts and floods. The collapse of the
Soviet Bloc, North Korea’s
traditional trading partner, was also an important factor.
The scrapping of the
“sunshine policy” in 2008 after the coming to power of the
right wing Lee
Myung-bak significantly contributed to the growing military
tensions in the
region.
In the elections
this year, another
right wing candidate, Park Gyeun-hee, narrowly won the
presidency against a
candidate who wanted to re-start “the sunshine policy”. The
new president
coincidentally is the daughter of the long serving South
Korean dictator, Park
Chung-hee. During his term in office from 1963-71, Gen. Park
stood out for his
hard line polices towards the North and his crackdown on
civil liberties
internally. He is however credited with being the architect
of South Korean
economic miracle.
ESCALATION OF
HOSTILITIES
The current
escalation of hostilities
in the peninsula coincided with the swearing in of President
Obama for a second
term and the inauguration of the new South Korean president.
There were warning
signs that things were once again heating up on the
Peninsula after North Korea
went ahead with its successful satellite launch late last
year and followed it
up with a nuclear test earlier this year. In all, South Korea
has conducted three
nuclear tests after walking out of the Nuclear
Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT)
in 2003. The first two tests were conducted in 2006 and
2009. The nuclear test
happened after the UN Security Council imposed even more
draconian sanctions
last December on an already beleaguered North to punish it
for its satellite
launch. The West succeeded in characterising the launch as a
disguised “long
range missile test”.
Pyongyang said that a
different yardstick was
being applied as other nations are allowed to freely launch
satellites into
space “for peaceful scientific missions”. The North Korean
satellite was only
one among the 75 satellites launched by various nations,
including India, last
year. India
and Pakistan
tested
nuclear capable ballistic missiles around the same time the
North Koreans
successfully launched their satellite into space. South Korea placed its own
satellite in space with the help of
the US
in January this year.
The North Korean
government had said
that the February nuclear test was in response to “the
reckless hostility of
the United
States”.
Pyongyang had warned at the
time that it would
be left with no option but to take stronger steps if the US
“further
complicates the situation with continued hostility”. An
article in the US
journal, Foreign
Policy in Focus by Christine Hong and Hyun Le in
February noted that it is
convenient for Washington
to characterise North Korea
as
“the foremost security threat in the region”. The authors
argue that it fits in
with the Obama’s policy in the region – that “of strategic
patience” on the one
hand and alliance with regional hawks on the other hand.
James Hardy, an editor
with the Jane’s Defense
Weekly, wrote
that the Obama administration may be using the crisis to
further bolster the
missile build up in the region in step with Washington’s
military “pivot” towards the
Asia Pacific.
The new leadership
in the North, led
by the young Kim Jong-Un, apparently feels that the only
avenue open to bring
the West to the negotiating table is by increasing its
belligerent rhetoric. As
Stratfor, a news network having close links with the
American intelligence
community observed: “Much of North
Korea’s
behavior can be considered rhetorical, but it is still
unclear how far Pyongyang
is willing to
go if it still cannot force negotiations through
belligerence”. In the first
week of April, North Korea
warned that it had issued clearance for the use of “smarter,
lighter and
diversified” nuclear weapons in case of an attack on its
territory. Before
that, Pyongyang
had announced that it would be restarting its plutonium
reactor at Nyongbyon.
The reactor was voluntarily shut down in 2007 after the US and South Korea
promised to supply
electricity and build two new reactors under international
safeguards. The
promises were never kept. The central committee of the
ruling Workers Party
recently announced that North Korea’s nuclear weapons were
“a treasure” that
would not be bartered away for “billions of dollars”. The US has been demanding that
North
Korea
give up its nuclear weapons as a precondition for talks.
The Obama
administration knows fully
well that there is little likelihood that the North will
exceed its rhetoric
but is taking no chances. All the same it is becoming clear
that the Washington
wants to take
some time off from the ongoing exercise in saber rattling.
The Cuban leader,
Fidel Castro in his “Reflections” published in early April,
provided some
friendly advice for the North Korean leadership. Fidel said
that the crisis
enveloping the Korean peninsula was the most serious one
since the Cuban nuclear
crisis of 1982, which almost unleashed a holocaust. “Now
that the country
(North Korea) has demonstrated its technical and scientific
achievements, we
remind her of her duties to the countries that have been her
good friends, and
it would be unjust to forget that such a war would
particularly affect more
than 70 per cent of the planet”, cautioned Fidel. The Cuban
leader also had
words of advice for the American president about the dangers
of playing nuclear
roulette. “If a conflict of that nature should break out
there, the government
of Barack Obama in his second mandate would be buried in a
deluge of images
which would present him as the most sinister character in
the history of the United States.
The duty of avoiding war is also his and that of the people
of the United
States”,
wrote Fidel.
DIALOGUE PROCESS
HINDERED
In a significant
move, the US announced
on
April 7, that it was postponing the testing of a Minuteman
111 Intercontinental
Missile. The missile was scheduled to be launched in the
second week of April
from a military base in California.
The decision came shortly after the North Korean government
said that it had
moved two medium range missiles to a location on the
country’s east coast. An
unnamed US
official told the media that the postponement of the test
was done to “avoid
any misperception or miscalculation”. The official said that
it was a “logical,
prudent and responsible action to take” while insisting that
the proposed long
range missile test was unconnected to the escalating crisis
on the Korean
peninsula. Senior US officials have told the American media
that the Obama
administration while trying to maintain military pressure on
Pyongyang is also
trying to create a more advantageous scenario for talks to
end the current
crisis.
In early April,
the North Korean
government had told the foreign diplomats stationed in its
capital that it
could not guarantee their safety till such time as US-South
Korean military
exercises continue. The exercise will go on for most of
April. Pyongyang fears
that the military exercises are a prelude to a full scale
military attack. The Wall
Street Journal has reported that
the Pentagon’s Pacific Command had approved a detailed plan
to ratchet up
tensions with the North during the war games conducted with
the South Korean
Army. US Stealth and B-52 bombers made “mock bombing raids”
in broad daylight
near the border with the North. Experts have described this
kind of a military
exercise as “sub critical warfare”. Much of the North was
carpet bombed by the
US during the Korean War.
In the last week
of March, North
Korea had cut the military hotline it maintains with Seoul
to keep abreast of
military movements of their respective armies along the
border. Before that,
Pyongyang had renounced the 1953 armistice agreement and
declared that it was
in a “state of war” with the South. In the first week of
April, the North
closed its doors to South Korean workers employed in the
Kaesong Industrial
Complex, run by Korean conglomerates inside the North. The
crisis has already
started taking a toll on the South Korean economy. The
capital, Seoul is only
around 50 km from the demilitarised zone dividing the two
countries and would
be easily devastated in case of an armed
conflict erupting. South Korea and the US have now
reached a new
agreement whereby the US will have operational control of
the South Korean army
if war breaks out.
After the invasion
of Iraq and of
Libya, the North Koreans may be justified in thinking that
they are next on the
American hit list. At this juncture, the North Korean
leadership must be
feeling more isolated than ever. China, their strongest
ally, had voted with
the US to impose additional sanctions after the satellite
launch last year.
China has however been consistently advocating the
resumption of the six party
talks that were last held in 2008 and has voiced its
disagreement on additional
sanctions being imposed on the country. In the second week
of April, the
Chinese foreign minister, Wang Yi, said that Beijing was
opposed to
“provocative words and actions” from any party and that “it
would not allow
trouble making on its doorstep”. He stressed that the only
way to resolve the
situation was through dialogue. The Obama administration is
so far resolutely
holding out against the resumption of the dialogue process.
Senior American
officials repeatedly keep on harping that “bad behavior”
should not be
rewarded.