People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol. XXXVI
No.
05 January 29, 2012 |
Minimum
Support Prices and Regulation of
Archana Prasad
THE
Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act 1996 (PESA) was the first
to assert
the rights of panchayats over minor forest produce (MFP). However,
hardly any
state implemented the provisions of this act seriously, and the Left
and other
organisations fighting for tribal rights continuously demanded that
forest
produce gatherers must be given ownership rights and minimum support
prices
(MSP) in order to enable them to have a decent living. As a result of
these
struggles, the Forest Rights Act of 2006 established rights over the
MFP, even
though the focus of its implementation was on land rights. The report
of the
committee set up by the Ministry of Panchayati Raj under the
chairmanship of T
Haque on the “Ownership, Price Fixation, Value Addition and Marketing
of Minor
Forest Produce” needs to be seen in this context. The report, which was
submitted on May 11, 2011, has suggested that a Central Price Fixation
Commission be set up to set minimum support prices (MSP) for 14
economically
important minor forest produce. It also makes recommendations
concerning the
transformation of minor forest produce trade in order to induce fair
pricing
mechanisms, and suggests ways and measures for making state agencies
more
viable. These recommendations are particularly important because the
revenue
potential of minor forest produce is much higher than timber,
especially in
states like Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh, which,
together
with Madhya Pradesh, account for nearly 90 per cent of its production
and sale,
most of which was done to large industry through a multi-layered
trading
system. In 2010, such produce was estimated to be supporting at least
275
million people, of which more than 80 per cent were tribal people. The
recommendations of the committee have to be evaluated keeping this
factor in
mind.
COLLECTORS
& MARKETS
These
forest produce collectors were tied to the market through two
processes. The notified
nationalised forest produce of different states were procured by state
agencies
and auctioned in the open market. Such a method of procurement of
forest
produce was termed as 'state monopoly' and was seen as being one of the
main
structural features that drove down the procurement prices of such
forest
produce. In Andhra Pradesh the state supported Girijan Cooperative
Society
controls the trade of 25 forest produce; the Minor Forest Produce
Corporation
controls trade in three products in Chhattisgarh. and in Madhya Pradesh
state
supported cooperative societies control the trade of four products. The
Haque committee
analyses the working of such agencies and concludes that most of these
corporations and federations were financially unviable because they did
not
have the requisite infrastructure and had high administrative costs. In
states
such as
At
the same time, the report also acknowledges that the 'free market' will
not
solve the problem of free pricing. A majority of the minor forest
products,
many of which are economically important like aonla, chironji and
others, are traded in the open market. Marketing of these products was
a result
of generalised marketing practices where small traders went to weekly
markets,
purchased forest produce along with other products like rice and sold
them to
the middle traders who have connections in the wholesale markets and
controls
cold storages and other infrastructure. Since forest produce collectors
belong
to economically vulnerable sections, the collectors are forced to make
distress
sales of such produce and very low prices. Thus mahua
may be sold to traders at prices substantially lower than the
market rate during the season of its collection, and bought back at a
higher
price by the same collectors for their own domestic uses in seasons
when it is
scarce. Such distress sales are not only characteristic of minor forest
produce
sales but also of sale of rice and other such products. Hence the Haque
committee
is correct in analysing that the 'free market' as exploitative.
CREATING
COMPETITION
In its
recommendations, the committee
opines that there is a need to create “competition” within the forest
produce
market by ensuring the “formation of
self-help groups/cooperatives and producer companies.” It
holds that this would be the key to elimination of traders and
exploitation in
the long run. But it falls short of stating what form of market
regulation is
needed to protect the interests of these forest produce collectives and
how
they will get the infrastructure and capital to compete with bigger
companies.
The committee
further states that though minimum support price for 14
economically important produces will be set by a central mechanism, it
will be
administered and defended by state corporations. In its
recommendations, it
states that the central government must provide support for designated
agencies
in order to defend the minimum support price and meet their
administrative
costs. However, it also suggests that these agencies “should be
strengthened to
trade in MFP on adequate scale by way of providing skilled manpower,
finance
and infrastructure. In fact, all such government supported agencies
should
function autonomously in a professional manner.”
While many of
these suggestions are welcome, these recommendations of
the committee can be supplemented by strengthening the links between
collectives of gatherers and these corporations. These links can form
the basis
of the strategic regulation of the market and making cooperatives of
gatherers
and producers financially viable through budgetary and infrastructural
support
for value addition and skill enhancement.
FIXING
MINIMUM
SUPPORT
PRICE
One of the
major recommendations of the committee is about the formation
of a Central Price Fixation Commission for fixing the minimum support
price for
14 economically important forest produce. The commission should consist
of one
chairperson and three other members whose main mandate would be to fix
the MSP
as a benchmark and set up quality standards for certification of forest
produce. The commission, it is suggested, should also be responsible
for
formulating guidelines, monitoring and evaluating the scheme for
providing MSP
after taking the following factors into account: (i) labour time used
in the
collection, (ii) the prevailing wage rate, (iii) transportation cost,
if any
(iv) market prices and (v) demand-supply analysis.
The committee
also stipulates that the gatherers of MFP should not be “paid
less than the existing minimum wages under the MGNREGA or minimum wages
in
agriculture sector.” This
recommendation is a step forward
in meeting the long-standing demand of the Left and democratic forces
for
providing a minimum support price for the forest produce.
In doing
this, however, the committee accepted one important assumption:
it treated MFP collection as ‘unskilled labour.’ However, studies and
analyses
of the forest produce gathering and pre-sale processing practices
suggest that
most collectors use their traditional and local knowledge to identify,
locate
and gather produce. They also possess a considerable amount of
experience and
skill in adding value and using simple techniques for drying and
decorticating
produce. Hence the setting of MSP is not to be seen merely as an
“anti-poverty
measure,” but also as a way of recognising the skills and knowledge of
forest
produce collectors. This knowledge and skill needs to be accounted for
if a
socially just MSP is to be set.
NEED
TO DEMOCRATISE
MFP
MANAGEMENT
Since this
report is a result of the efforts of the Ministry of
Panchayati Raj, it is not surprising that the committee makes a strong
case for
the role of Gram Sabhas in the control over and management of MFP. It
outlines
the legal changes that state governments need to make if
their laws are to be compatible with the provisions of PESA and Forest
Rights
Act. It also states that all corporations as well as federations that
“undertake
MSP operations have to be accountable to the Gram Sabha.”
Therefore the
organisational
structures of these bodies should ensure transparency and
accountability and
suggest that “district panchayats can become focal points for
monitoring the
activities of Corporations/Federations, including redressal of
grievances.” In
these respects, the report of the Haque committee can be used as a good
instrument in the democratic movement’s struggle for the rights of
forest
produce gatherers. There is a need to do a greater analysis of its
implications
and thereafter press for the implementation of many of its positive
recommendations.