People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol. XXXV
No.
22 May 29, 2011 |
A
Sordid Picture of Ruling Class Betrayal
Ashok
Dhawale
ON May 1, 2011,
STEADY
DECLINE
Except for a two and a half year stint in
1978-80 when the state was ruled by the Progressive Democratic Front
and a four
and a half year period in 1995-99 when it was ruled by the Shiv
Sena-BJP
communal alliance, Maharashtra has been ruled for 44 of these 51 years
by the
Congress (from 1999 to date by the Congress-NCP alliance).
As a result of the anti-people, insensitive
and corruption-ridden policies of successive state governments, and
particularly the neo-liberal policies of the last two decades,
The Economic
Survey has stated that due to the good monsoon last year,
agricultural
growth in the state was expected to touch 12.5 per cent; and due to the
reduced
intensity of the recession, industrial growth was expected to touch 9
per cent
and service sector growth 10.9 per cent.
However, the main beneficiaries of this
growth have always been the urban and rural rich. It is their profits,
wealth –
and corruption – that have been constantly rising. On the other hand,
the
condition of the basic classes like the working class, the peasantry,
agricultural labourers and artisans and the socially backward sections
like
dalits, adivasis, minorities, nomadic tribes and large sections among
OBCs has
shown a definite decline.
INCREASED
POVERTY,
MASSIVE
PRICE RISE
The most shocking figures in the Economic
Survey relate to the incidence
of poverty. 38.1 per cent of the people in the state, which amounts to
a
population of four and a half crore, is mired in poverty. The national
average
is 37.2 per cent; which means that in spite of being a comparatively
rich
state, the incidence of poverty in the state is 1 per cent more than
the
national average. In fact, among major states, Maharashtra ranks fourth
in the
incidence of poverty after
Poverty in
The Arjun Sengupta committee, on the basis
of the 2004-05 survey, had concluded that 77 per cent of Indians cannot
spend
even Rs 20 per day. If this is taken as the basis, then it is clear
that even
the above official poverty estimates do not correspond to reality.
Lakhs of
poor families are not included in the BPL lists, they have no BPL
ration cards,
and in a public distribution system that is mired in corruption they do
not get
cheap and regular foodgrains.
The massive price rise of the last one year
has played havoc with the lives of the poor. In May 2010 the price rise
in food
grains was 21.4 per cent; in January 2011 it was still 15.7 per cent.
The price
rise of other essential items, which was 14.8 per cent in May 2010,
rose
sharply to 23.9 per cent in January 2011. During the last one year, the
price
index in rural areas rose by 11.2 per cent and in urban areas by 12 per
cent.
During the last four years, while price
rise was attacking the lives of the common people, the UPA central
government
and the Congress-NCP state government were pouring oil in the fire by
their
policies like the recurrent fuel price hikes, deregulation of petrol
prices
leading to the ninth price hike of petrol in nine months, encouragement
to
futures trading in food grains and other essential commodities and
protection
to hoarding and speculation.
PEASANT
SUICIDES,
NEGLECT
OF NREGA
However, no part of this steep price rise
accrues to the peasantry. Recently, when the price of onions touched Rs
70 to
80 per kg, the onion-producing peasantry in Nashik district got just Rs
3 to 4
per kg! The vast difference was eaten up by middlemen and big traders.
Similar
is the case with regard to all other food crops and cash crops.
The National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB)
under the Union Home ministry has estimated that in the 15 years from
1995 to
2009, over two lakh peasants committed suicide in the country. Of this
the
largest number of 41,000-odd peasant suicides were in
Peasant indebtedness was in turn a result
of three major factors: increased cost of production due to rise in
prices of
agricultural inputs, lack of remunerative prices for agricultural
produce and
paucity of institutional credit at cheap rates of interest. Banks are
notorious
for denying credit to poor farmers who are forced to go to usurious
private
moneylenders. Hence during the last one year, the number of registered
private
moneylenders has increased by 11.3 per cent. There is no count of
unregistered
moneylenders.
If such is the state of landowning
peasants, the condition of landless agricultural workers can well be
imagined.
So far as the implementation of the NREGA is concerned, the state ranks
amongst
the worst in the country. In most places agricultural workers have no
work, and
the few who have work do not get the stipulated wage. Crores of rupees
that
have come from the centre for the NREGA have had to be returned simply
because
they were not spent. Last year, out of a total central and state amount
of Rs
600 crore earmarked for the NREGA, only 48.45 per cent was spent and Rs
308
crore still remains. Homelessness amongst agricultural workers is also
a major
problem. Since dalits, adivasis and women form a preponderant part of
agricultural workers, they have to constantly face social
discrimination and
atrocities.
RAW
DEAL FOR
WORKING
CLASS
The number of registered unemployed in the
state in December 2010 was 26.82 lakh and of these the number of women
was 6.61
lakh. The number of closed factories as on March 31, 2011 was 31,190
and the
number of workers rendered unemployed in these was 1.61 lakh. The
number of
closed medium and big factories was 418 and the number of unemployed
workers in
these was 0.58 lakh. There is no social security whatsoever for these
2.20 lakh
unemployed workers.
For the lakhs of unorganised, contract and
temporary workers, minimum wage and social security is a far cry and
all
efforts are made by the employers and the government to prevent them
from
exercising their right to form their own unions. The condition of large
sections of unorganised workers in the beedi,
powerloom, construction and sugar industries, as also domestic workers,
midday
meal scheme workers, Gram Rozgar Sevaks and Anganwadi and ASHA workers
is very
serious and in urgent need of redressal.
The question of housing has also assumed
grave proportions. According to a recent NSS report, the largest number
of slum
dwellers in the country stay in
The sectors of education and health are in
the doldrums, with privatisation and commercialisation adversely
affecting
lakhs of poor and even middle class families.
PRIVATISATION
OF
POWER
& IRRIGATION
The situation of power in the state is
critical, with rural
The main reason for this is that, while
successive Congress and Shiv Sena-BJP state governments pursued the
Dabhol
power project with the American company Enron through corrupt means for
over a
decade, they refused permission to the MSEB to build even a single
power plant
which would have provided power at much less cost. What happened to the
notorious Enron is now known to all. But it was this deal and its
perpetrators
that are responsible for the massive load-shedding and also for
repeated hikes
in power tariffs.
Two years ago the state government declared
that MOUs worth Rs 32,000 crore had been signed for power projects that
would
yield 12,000 MW of power. But not a single one of these projects has
got off
the ground. Instead, the central and state government are now bent on
pursuing
the disastrous Jaitapur nuclear power plant to be built by the French
company
Areva, despite the Fukushima nuclear disaster in Japan. The Jaitapur
nuclear power
plant is five times bigger and at least fifteen times costlier than the
Dabhol
power plant! So its adverse effects across the board can well be
imagined.
Similar is the state of affairs as regards
irrigation. In spite of literally thousands of crores of rupees being
spent on
irrigation in the last five decades, the irrigated area in the state
has
increased from 6.5 per cent in 1960-61 to only 17.7 per cent in
2009-10. The
major part of this increase is limited to the sugar belt of Western
Maharashtra. As against this, the proportion of irrigated area in the
country
as a whole is 45.3 per cent. The centralisation of irrigation resources
is
constantly increasing, and the rulers have stopped even mentioning the
goal of
equitable water distribution.
The most serious aspect of irrigation and
power is that, as per World Bank dictates the state government has
embarked on
a spree of privatisation of both these sectors. This has led to several
reactionary amendments in irrigation laws. In spite of the extremely
poor state
of irrigation, last month the state government hastily pushed through a
bill
after midnight in the state assembly to divert water from agriculture
to industry.
Due to the public uproar that followed, the bill later had to be
amended but it
was enough indication of the intentions of the ruling Congress-NCP
alliance.
SEZ’S:
A NEW
SOURCE
OF LOOT
The special economic zones (SEZs) are a new
source of unlimited loot of peasants and workers given by the central
government in the hands of the capitalists. In Maharashtra up to
December 2010,
there have come 233 SEZ proposals, of which 143 have been cleared by
the
Centre, and of these 63 have been notified. The total area of the 143
SEZs
cleared is 39,966 hectares, and the area of the 63 SEZs notified is
9,868
hectares. Most of this land is under agriculture and efforts are being
made to
evict peasants from their land.
But some intense peasant struggles against
the SEZs have also been waged. The most successful of these has been in
Raigad
district. Here there was a proposal by Mukesh Ambani to set up a 10,000
hectare
MahaMumbai SEZ and the government was hand in glove with Ambani. But
over
50,000 peasants led by the PWP, the CPI(M) and other groups conducted a
massive
five-year struggle to save their lands. Eventually, earlier this year,
the
government was forced to denotify the MahaMumbai SEZ. This was a big
victory.
Now the CPI(M) is leading a united struggle in the Sinnar tehsil of
Nashik
district against the Indiabulls SEZ in the teeth of repression.
ANARCHY
IN THE
COOPERATIVE
SECTOR
The latest and most salient example of the
anarchy in the cooperative sector is that of the Maharashtra State
Cooperative
Bank (MSCB), the apex institution itself. This bank has always been
under the
control of the Congress, and for the last one dozen years, the NCP.
Today this apex bank is in deep crisis. In
an unprecedented step last week, the RBI dissolved the 44-member Board
of Directors
of the MSCB and appointed two senior administrators. The powerful Board
of
Directors comprised several state Cabinet ministers, current and former
MPs and
MLAs – most of them of the NCP, but also some from the Congress, BJP
and Shiv Sena.
This step has led to tremendous tension between the Congress and the
NCP, with
the latter accusing the former of having used the RBI to serve its own
political interests.
But a few instances will show the depths to
which this apex bank had sunk. Firstly, the MSCB gave loans of Rs 2,810
crore,
mainly to cooperative sugar factories, most of which are again
controlled by
NCP stalwarts. The state government gave a counter guarantee for these
loans.
Of this amount, the sugar factories never paid back Rs 1,831 crore. Now
the
MSCB was insisting that the state government shell out this amount.
Recently,
the government agreed to pay Rs 270 crore but dithered over the
remaining
amount. Secondly, in spite of the MSCB making a loss last year of 1,043
crore,
it falsely declared a profit of Rs 2.87 crore. Thirdly, the
non-performing
assets (NPA) of the MSCB are in excess of 30 per cent. Fourthly, as
many as 10
district cooperative banks – almost all of them in the backward
Vidarbha,
Marathwada and Khandesh regions – are in crisis. And lastly, this
entire state
of affairs is riddled with corruption, nepotism and mismanagement on a
monumental scale at all levels.
Many urban and rural district cooperative
banks have ended up in bankruptcy over the last few years as a result
of the
corruption and mismanagement of their own directors. This has resulted
in the
vanishing of the lifetime savings of lakhs of common people.
WIDENING
REGIONAL
IMBALANCES
Regional imbalance has been a chronic and
burning issue in Maharashtra. Due to capitalist development, this
imbalance has
constantly aggravated. Look at this picture for the year 2009-10. The
per
capita income (PCI) of India is Rs 46,492; for Maharashtra it is Rs
74,027. But
if we exclude the three districts of Mumbai, Pune and Thane, the PCI
for the
rest of Maharashtra plunges to Rs 56,241. The PCI of as many as 29 of
the 35
districts is below the state average, while that of 11 of these
districts is
even below the national average.
Now see the district-wise disparity. The
three districts with the highest PCI are Mumbai (Rs 1.25 lakh), Pune
(Rs 1.11
lakh) and Thane (Rs 1.05 lakh), while the three districts with the
lowest PCI
are Washim (Rs 36,087), Nandurbar (Rs 36,203) and Gadchiroli (Rs
36,286). This
shows that there is more than a 300 per cent gap between these two
groups of districts.
The same unequal picture of PCI is seen
division-wise as follows: Konkan division (Rs 1,09,824) – but here too
the two
districts of Ratnagiri and Sindhudurg are poor cousins when compared to
Mumbai
and Thane in the same division, and even in Thane the Adivasi belt
still
remains very backward; Pune division (Rs 79,788); Nagpur division (Rs
63,179);
Nashik division (Rs 58,464); Aurangabad division (Rs 46,535) and
Amravati
division (Rs 46,340). It is the Amravati division that has had the
maximum
number of peasant suicides. No serious efforts have ever been made by
any state
government since 1960 to clear the backlog of the backward regions and
address
their developmental concerns.
MASSIVE
DEBT
BURDEN
ON STATE
The debt burden on Maharashtra has sharply
risen over the last two decades of liberalisation and this has
endangered the
entire economy of the state. In 1990-91, the state debt was Rs 12,878
crore. In
1994-95, when the Shiv Sena-BJP regime came to power, it was Rs 16,000
crore.
In 1999-2000, when the SS-BJP regime was dislodged and when the
Congress-NCP
regime came to power, it was Rs 44,000 crore. And in 2011-12 it has
risen
massively to Rs 2,31,926 crore.
Maharashtra is the second most indebted
state in the country after Uttar Pradesh. 17 per cent of the annual
state
revenue, i.e. around Rs 17,000 crore, is spent on paying the interest
on this
debt. Most of the state revenue comes from indirect taxes like sales
tax and
excise duties. Thus the main burden of this debt falls on the working
people.
This massive debt severely limits the scope of social welfare schemes
and
developmental programmes.
DISMAL
STATE OF
SOCIAL
SECTOR
The state of the social sector is dismal.
In the 11 years from 1998 to 2008, there were 1,192 communal clashes in
Maharashtra and this was the highest number among all states in the
country.
This has been admitted in the government report titled The
Socio-Economic and Educational Status of Muslims in Maharashtra
released last month. The Sachar Committee report has also highlighted
the grim
situation of the Muslim community in Maharashtra.
Unspeakable atrocities on Dalits like those
at Khairlanji and Sategaon have occurred in Maharashtra in recent years
and
they have dealt a blow to the progressive Phule-Ambedkar social reform
tradition in the state. In 2009, the incidence of conviction for
atrocities on
Dalits in Maharashtra was only 2.9 per cent, which is among the lowest
in the
country.
In the 15 districts in Maharashtra with a
substantial Adivasi population, last year there were 1,585 child deaths
due to
malnutrition; 36,117 children were severely malnourished; and 46,586
children
were moderately malnourished. So far as the implementation of the
Tribal Forest
Rights Act (FRA) is concerned, only 1.05 lakh out of a total of 3.40
lakh
claims for land made in the state were found valid, but even so far as
the
valid claimants were concerned, they were given much less land than
what they
were actually in possession of. A big struggle on this issue is
continuing, and
it has yielded some concrete results.
In 2009, there were 15,048 cases of
atrocities on women in Maharashtra, placing the state sixth in the
country. In
the same year, there were 2,894 cases of atrocities on children,
placing the
state third in the country. As per the provisional figures of the 2011
census,
although the number of women per 1000 men has slightly risen from 922
to 925
over the last ten years, there has been a sharp fall in the proportion
of girls
of the age group 0-6 per 1000 boys from 913 to 883 in the same period.
This is
an extremely serious matter.
However, it is in the dubious field of the
production of liquor that Maharashtra leads the country! It is reported
that 36
of the 38 wineries of the country are in Maharashtra, and the state
produces 87
per cent of India’s wine! In the novel business of manufacturing liquor
from
food grain also, Maharashtra is perhaps the pioneer!
MASSIVE
SCANDALS
This bird’s eye-view of ‘Maharashtra at 51’
will remain incomplete without a clear mention that Maharashtra is also
among
the leading states in the country so far as stinking corruption
scandals are
concerned. In all the major corruption scams that have recently shamed
the UPA
II regime – 2-G Spectrum, Commonwealth Games, IPL cricket, Adarsh
Society,
Lavasa City, Hasan Ali Khan, assorted land deals and now the
Maharashtra State
Cooperative Bank – politicians and bureaucrats from Maharashtra find a
prominent place. However, space does not permit any elaboration of this
murky
aspect.
CONCLUSION
It is clear that it is the ruling classes,
their political parties and their elitist policies that are at the root
of the
situation in which Maharashtra and its people find themselves after 51
years. The
popular worker-peasant slogan in the Samyukta Maharashtra movement of
building
a ‘Socialist Maharashtra in a Socialist India’ has been negated by
these same
forces. With the imperialist-oriented neo-liberal policies of the last
two
decades, the mass of working people are being sidelined, economic and
social
disparity has widened and corruption has reached unprecedented levels.
Communal, casteist and chauvinist forces are raising their heads.
But the fighting people of Maharashtra have
the strength and the capacity to roll back these challenges. They will
have to build
their unity through massive struggles, lead sustained campaigns for
alternative
policies, create political awareness among the people against the
ruling
classes and build a widespread and powerful organisation. It is only a
Left,
democratic and secular alternative emerging from this struggle that
will be
able to save – and change – Maharashtra and our country for the better
and lead
the people on to the road to progress.