People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol. XXXIV
No.
50 December 12, 2010 |
Editorial
Govt’s Obduracy Undermines
Constitutional Foundations
BY now, it is certain that
this
winter session of the parliament will end without any business being
transacted. This is, indeed, unprecedented in the history of
independent
We have been demanding the
constitution of a JPC because this scam involves not merely graft in
terms of
siphoning off revenues that should have been due to government. This scam involves a massive manipulation of
our system that permits such a loot to take place.
These avenues for manipulation need to be
plugged. This can be done only on the
basis of a thorough investigation that can recommend new regulations
or, for
that matter, new laws, if necessary. In
our constitutional scheme of things, it is the parliament alone that
can enact
laws. Hence, it is only a JPC that will have the authority to recommend
the
required new regulations and laws.
The apex court, in a way,
vindicated
this understanding when it remarked, as we go to press, that, “The
issue raised
in the case is not only limited to the
Rs 1.76 lakh crore but has a much wider
compass. We would not like to prejudice
the probe. But, what happened in 2001
needs to be looked into. It is for the
CBI to investigate and find out.” It was
in 2001 that the then NDA government led by Vajpayee adopted the policy
of first-come-first-served
norm for spectrum allocation. The
Supreme Court also remarked about the policy of transfer of dual
technology –
CDMA and GSM – stating that the CAG has not gone into this issue. “This matter has not been investigated”, said
the Bench.
We have been raising in
these columns
since early 2008 that the loss to the exchequer in the 2G spectrum
allocation
was on three counts – loss due to 122 licenses for new entrants in
2008; loss
due to dual technology licenses; and loss due to excess spectrum
occupied by
GSM operators. Our estimation of loss
was placed at Rs 1.9 lakh crores while the CAG has now pegged it at a
little
over Rs 1.76 lakh crores. The need to
enquire into a gamut of related policy matters, becomes imperative once
again,
given the decision of the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI)
that
served notices, according to media reports, on
85 operators seeking a show cause
explanation as to why their licenses should not be revoked as they have
not fulfilled
the rollout obligations, ie, not started operations.
They are, thus, open to the charge that they
may well resell these licenses for massive profits, as some have done
earlier.
For these reasons, it is
clear that the UPA government’s arguement that since the Public Accounts Committee
(PAC) is looking into the CAG report, there is no need to constitute a
JPC is
simply untenable. The PAC is essentially
a committee that examines accounts, by definition.
If all other related policy issues need to be
examined, then it is only a JPC that can authoritatively make
recommendations. Those who argue that
the JPCs in the past have not produced any results, overlook the fact
that
current regulations for our financial markets have been put in place
only after
the JPC recommendations on the Harshad Mehta stock market scam.
By not allowing the
parliament to
perform its duties, the government is seriously undermining the
foundations of
our constitutional scheme of things. The
executive (government) is accountable to the legislature (parliament)
which, in
turn, is accountable to the people. The
sovereignty of the people - `We, the People’ – is, thus, established in
this
scheme. By jettisoning the parliament,
the government is escaping from being accountable and, at the same
time,
eroding, both in letter and spirit, this constitutional scheme. This is a very grave matter that strikes at
the very foundations of our Republican constitution and parliamentary
democracy.
In these developments, the
role of
the principal opposition – BJP – is becoming curiouser and curiouser. We had spoken of its double speak, in these
columns earlier, concerning the defence of its government’s corruption in Karnataka.
Now we find that the BJP, on the one hand, demands a JPC and, on
the
other, one of its former national presidents who currently chairs the
PAC has
begun investigation into the CAG report.
This thoroughly endorses the standpoint of the ruling
Congress-led UPA
coalition. Further, Mr L K Advani has
publicly commented that if the BJP’s leader of the opposition in the
Lok Sabha
was allowed to speak at the beginning of this winter session, then the
BJP
would not have raised the demand for a JPC. Further still, BJP’s
ideologue and
a member of the Vajpayee cabinet of ministers, Mr Arun Shourie, has
vehemently
articulated against the constitution of a JPC.
Clearly, the BJP does not want a probe into the policy shifts
that
happened under their government. Recollect
that the NDA government had abruptly moved from the policy of `license
fees’ to
`revenue sharing’ in the telecom sector which, then, was alleged to
have caused
a massive loss to government revenues at the expense of favouring some
corporates.
Thus, the BJP’s
credibility on this
issue of fighting corruption comes under a huge question mark. Given this, while most opposition parties
have raised the issue of a JPC, an all-in-opposition unity is simply
not
tenable. This is apart from the fact
that the secular opposition parties cannot find any common cause with
the
politics of communalism that the BJP pursues.
The ruling Congress-led
UPA
government’s relentless efforts to jettison
this winter session of the parliament by refusing to constitute
a JPC
cannot, however, conceal or contain the growing people’s anger against
such
mega corruption. The intervening period
till the commencement of the budget session next February must see a
growing
public pressure that must be mounted on this UPA government to make it
accountable
both to the parliament and the people on the issue of mega corruption.
December
8, 2010