People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol. XXXIII
No.
40 October 04, 2009 |
Brinda Karat
IN his budget speech, the
finance minister had made a
categorical assurance that the wages under the National Rural
Employment
Guarantee Act (NREGA) would be raised to 100 rupees. It was said at the
time
that the increased budgetary allocation to Rs 39100 crore for NREGA was
to
ensure adequate funds for the wage increase. The finance minister had
also
assured of a �real� wage, in other words a wage linked to a price
index.
However, even after four months, there has been no notification for the
wage
increase, leave alone any linkage with a price index.
BUREAUCRATIC
SEMANTICS
But an application under the
Right to Information (RTI)
Act, made by the CPI(M) Central Research Unit�s member Smita Gupta,
elicited a
response which exposes the government�s hypocrisy. It emerges that at a
meeting
held in the ministry of rural development on July 10, where the issue
of wage
increase was discussed, the financial adviser to the ministry,
according to the
minutes of the meeting, opined that �Hon�ble finance minister has said
that we
are committed to provide the
rural wage of Rs 100; he has not said that we shall
provide the rural wage of Rs 100 as entitlement under
NREGA.�
As if such bureaucratic
semantics were not enough, a
representative of the prime minister�s office at the meeting said, �it
(the finance
minister�s statement) indicates the will of the central government to
raise the
wage.� In a new interpretation of the old adage �where there is a will,
there
is a way,� the will is there but not the way for the representative of
the PMO.
According to him, the onus is on the state governments; he said,
�States should
come forward and request for enhancement of their wage rate to Rs 100
to the government
of
The reason for this was made
clear when the
representative of the department of expenditure said that �the raising
the
minimum wage across the board immediately will have financial as well
as legal
implications.� For the central government, financial implications of
continuing
the concessions to the corporates are of little concern, but an
increase in
wages which will make a huge difference to the lives of crores of
families has
to �be examined.� At a time of drought when work days created by
agricultural
operations are at an all-time low, at a time when the relentless price
rise of
essential commodities has eroded the earnings of the poor, increase in
wages is
an urgent necessity.
At present twenty one states and
union territories
have a minimum wage below 100 rupees. In January 2009, when the country
was
preoccupied with the forthcoming elections, the central government
arbitrarily
issued a notification imposing a wage freeze on the basis of the then
existing
wages for all states. In May this year the Andhra Pradesh government
increased
the minimum wage. A writ petition was filed in the Andhra Pradesh High
Court
questioning the competence of the central government to fix the minimum
wage
under the NREGA, which would be less than the minimum wage fixed by the
state.
The High Court stayed the operation of the January notification for a
period of
eight weeks during which the central government had to respond.
The� frozen� wages as per the
January 2009
notification are as follows:
Arunachal Rs 65-67; Maharashtra
Rs 66-72; Jammu and
Kashmir, Meghalaya and Orissa Rs 70; Chhattisgarh Rs 72.23 (raised to
Rs 75);
Uttarakhand Rs 73; Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat, Nagaland, Rajasthan,
Sikkim,
Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal Rs 75 (raised to Rs 81); Assam Rs 79.60;
Andhra
Pradesh and Tamilnadu Rs 80; Bihar Rs 81 (raised to Rs 89); Manipur Rs
81.40;
Karnataka Rs 82; Madhya Pradesh and Mizoram Rs 91; Jharkhand Rs 92;
Punjab Rs
93-105; Goa Rs 110; Kerala Rs 125; Haryana Rs 141 Pondicherry Rs 80 The
wage in
Tripura is Rs 85.
Wage freeze is one aspect. The
nature of work calculation
is proving to be a fatal flaw in the implementation of NREGA. The
present
system of piece rated work is based on a schedule of rates (SORs) which
reflects high productivity norms. In most states, particularly where
there is
hard soil, workers are unable to meet the norm even after a day�s hard
work.
When this was repeatedly pointed out to the central government, instead
of
ensuring a decrease in the schedule of rates, it issued a notification
in
January 2008 to increase the working hours from seven to nine hours
with a
maximum of twelve hours. The demand for a further reduction of the
statewise
schedule of rates to ensure that workers are able to get a minimum wage
is an
important demand that needs to be raised.
Recently it was reported that in
Andhra Pradesh, prior
to the elections, the state government had given instructions to be
�liberal�
with the measurements. But once the election results were announced, it
has
reverted to the usual norm! Some states like
A related problem is that of
measurement of work.
Experience shows that lack of personnel, corruption in appointment of
mates in
league with contractors, etc lead to underpayments. Kerala has
established an
interesting model through the appointment of trained women mates who
often
belong to the local self-help groups. In
SAY NO TO
NGO-ISATION
The government wants to
outsource work concerning
measurement, payment, muster rolls maintenance to the NGOs on the
CAPART model.
CAPART is a network of NGOs recognised by the ministry of rural
development and
involved in several of its programmes. It is proposed to give the NGOs
territorial jurisdiction of up to four blocks each. CAPART is proposed
as the
coordinating agency. In effect, the ministry�s proposal will lead to
the
creation of an NGO network as a structure that is parallel to the
panchayati
raj institutions, undermining the role envisaged for panchayats in the
73rd
constitutional amendment. According to the proposal, an NGO will not be
accountable to the people of the concerned gram sabha and panchayat; it
will be
accountable to a higher authority only, in this case the district
programme coordinator.
The CAPART model has several well-documented problems, including
corruption. It
is completely unwise to incorporate these and other problems of the
CAPART
model into the NREGA. We are strongly opposed to this proposal as it
will
create fresh problems of corruption and non-accountability.
NGOs who are committed to the
NREGA have already
carved out an important place in mobilising the people to access the
benefits
of NREGA and to help them know their rights. Many NGOs have played an
important
role in social audits also. However, the NGO-isation of the NREGA
itself will
gravely undermine the scheme.
Another proposal is to construct
a mini secretariat
for development works in each panchayat using the BRGF (funds for
relief for
backward regions), with NREGA funds for labour costs. At present the
utilisation
of BRGF funds is decided by state governments. Any funds and
suggestions to
strengthen the panchayat infrastructure are welcome but this
strengthening must
be in coordination with the state governments. A PM to DM approach will
be
counter-productive and impinge on the constitutional relationships
between the
central and the state governments.
The centrality of the NREGA lies
in the rights given
to workers. Party units and mass organisations working among the rural
poor
should chalk out struggles on the following demands:
(1) Immediate notification of
100 rupees wage by
central government,
(2) Reduction of the schedule of
rates and time rated
payments for women workers, the aged, disabled etc,
(3) No business correspondent
model; payments must be
made within 15 days and those responsible for delays must be punished,
(4) State governments must
ensure appointment of
adequate personnel but no NGO-isation of NREGA as proposed by the
centre,
(5) The limit of allotment of
work to 100 days a year must
be removed in all convergence projects, taking the drought hit areas as
a
beginning for expansion of the right to work.