People's Democracy

Daunting Task Ahead

P K Ganguly

THE countrywide first salvo in the unorganised sector on August 8, 2007 by the CITU was indeed unprecedented. Unprecedented, because there were stirring movements in all the states across the country, without exception. What is said proverbially – from Kashmir to Kanyakumari and Maharashtra to Tripura, came true, as seen from reports already published. Further, the strike brought under its vortex all the socially deprived groups in various states – the SC/STs, tribals, adivasis, minority communities and women who mainly constitute the unorganised sector. That is, the entire neglected lot, the poorest of the poor in India, the vast workforce - the classical blue collared proletariat rose in unison with one another like comrades up in arms against the government’s anti-labour and anti-people policies. These are the teeming millions, who contribute to about 65 per cent of the country’s GDP and 35 per cent of exports from the manufacturing units in this sector. But they have to work with minimum security of job and with maximum stress and labour in most unhygienic conditions and with no guarantee of a wage to live on.

The unique feature was that the participation of workers in this gigantic movement crossed all trade union barriers. The workers joined the movement voluntarily and spontaneously and the role of all other trade unions was fully complementary to the stir, giving an exemplary demonstration of trade union unity in action.

Further it was another unprecedented event that at the call of their respective federations and unions, the organised sector workers, the service sector employees and other mass organisations of the peasantry, agricultural workers, students, youth and women in various states extended active support to the demands of the unorganised sector by joining the rallies and demonstrations all over the country.

Turning Point

The August 8 strike in the unorganised sector was thus a turning point in the movement of the working class in the country organised under the CITU. The continuity of the movement has to be maintained. This is important in view of the serious challenges thrown by globalisation.

The process of economic liberalisation and the pursuit of market driven economic policy are having a significant impact on the economic landscape on the country. The striking characteristic of this process of informalisation of the economy has been a constant shift in the role of the state in economic activities. The role of the state is undergoing a paradigm shift from being a producer to a facilitator. Fostering private participation is becoming the order of the day. The most pronounced negative effect of such withering role of the state is the exposed vulnerability of the poor and the marginalised sections of the society.

The informalisation of the economy has naturally been accompanied by informalisation of labour relations and labour conditions. The organised sector, both private and public are being dismantled or squeezed. The steady or erstwhile regular jobs are being contracted and sub-contracted out to home based workers. Thus keeping the principal employers “invisible” to the workers, the specious plea of absence of proper employer – employee relation is being put forward for difficulties in enacting labour legislations in this sector. Thus in the largest democracy in the world, the largest jungle rule prevails for the 93 per cent workforce.

Parasitic Role of NGOs

Ironically, over the yester years while the trade union movement has been demanding a comprehensive central legislation for this vast sweated labour, the government spokesmen and their cohorts, some so-called NGOs and even the corporate sector employers too, have been shedding crocodile tears for them and castigating the trade unions for not taking up the cause of these workers. They even have been extending all moral, organisational and financial support to those NGOs to work among the unorganised sector workers, obviously with the political motive to disturb the organised trade union movement and keep it at bay from the unorganised sector, so that they cannot unionise them and bring them into organised movements against the corporate sector. Informalisation of the economy and production is now the new modus operandi for sustenance of capitalism. The benefits are low capital investment and overhead expenses, no labour laws or social securities, no botheration about occupational safety and hazards, but garnering huge profits only. So NGOs have to be their best friends supported by the government. A number of such NGOs get funds from foreign financiers also. They work some times among the unorganised sector workers in general, some times on specific issues like central legislation or social security or child labour, some times in specific industries like the construction industry or garment industry, some times in different sectors like agriculture or home-based workers or women workers. Now their fancied field is FDI in retail. They are making their own programmes and calling upon the trade unions to join their agitations. It is true that some times, some trade unions are falling prey to such maneuverings from these well-wishers and even allowing their premises to hold “broad meetings” with them. There have been instances when even CITU was criticised in open circular by one of such NGOs when the Firozabad convention and the December 8, 2006 rally were held, for having gone ahead alone without consulting other trade unions, as if they are the head of the trade unions. As already mentioned above, the movement launched by the CITU in the unorganised sector has been receiving positive attitude from all other trade unions. The audacity of the NGO was certainly criticised by the CITU and deserves condemnation by the trade union movement, which has to keep at bay these corporate driven parasites and consolidate trade union unity.

Central Legislation

Regarding the Central legislation much has been said earlier. So repetition is not necessary. It is a long story continuing over the years with slight cosmetic touches this way or that way, or some insignificant additions or alterations in the draft proposals. But the main demands placed concretely by all the trade unions jointly both in writing and during discussions repeatedly with the government and the Arjun Sengupta commission, viz. National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS), have not been considered at all. Even the latest recommendations by the NCEUS have not given any place to these demands. The two most important bullet demands which are non-negotiable, are continuing employment, i.e. security in employment and need based wages as per the norms fixed by the 15th Indian Labour Conference of 1957 along with the additions made by the Supreme Court verdict on Raptakos Brett case in 1991. These two non-negotiable demands must be incorporated in the “Protective Central Legislation” as promised by the UPA government in its common minimum programme. The government and the NCEUS were told without any ambiguity several times that the most important social securities are certainly security in employment and earning wage according to the needs of the family, and not merely some statutory social securities like pension, PF, bonus, etc. But in the NCEUS recommendations, while there is no word regarding security in employment, regarding wages they have suggested a so-called tripartite committee to determine the needs of the workers and recommend to the government accordingly. Thus this vital issue has been put back to square one again and the 15th ILC norms given a go bye. One important demand, i.e. a separate central legislation for the agricultural workers, however, has been recommended by the NCEUS. But the government still opposes that. The August 8 strike has definitely shaken the government, which so far had taken the trade unions as granted. A meeting was called again on August 11 to discuss the report of the NCEUS. All the trade unions have categorically rejected the report and made it clear that they are not going to be affected by even thousands of cosmetic changes on the proposed central legislation, and will remain absolutely prosaic on their demands.

Organisational Work

The field thus remains as open as before for further intensification of struggles. The workers in the unorganised sector through their massive participation have conveyed the message for their preparedness and capacity for further struggles. What is required now by the leadership in the states is to consolidate the achievement by more organised functioning and continued agitation. The demands have to be popularised among the workers. As the CITU has always emphasized, in the vast unorganised sector we have to function in an organised manner giving priorities in the field of activities. The manufacturing units having direct employer-employee relation and contributing to about 35 per cent of exports have certainly impact on the national economy. They are the main hunting grounds by the MNCs and the Indian corporate sector. These manufacturing units in the unorganised sector in different states naturally deserve primary attention to establish unions. But the non-manufacturing sections also are equally vast and important. Separate organisational attention needs to be given to these sections as well to unionise them.

It has to be noted that informalisation of the economy will further result in unabated and uncouth proliferation of the unorganised sector and expansion of poverty among the workers. The situation demands continuous movement and organisational functioning, combined with the active support by the organised sector workers and other mass organisations as was seen on August 8. This can change the entire dimension of the trade union movement and contribute in changing the correlation of class forces in the country.