People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXIX
No. 38 September 18, 2005 |
Rajasthan
Peasants Score Historic Win
Dulichand
A section of farmers at mahapadav in Jaipur
THE
Vasundhara Raje government has finally succumbed to the indomitable resolve of
Rajasthan peasantry. On September 8, eighth day of their mahapadav (grand camping programme) under the banner of the All
India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the more than one lakh peasants from 15 districts
forced the BJP regime to concede their eminently justified demands. The mahapadav
had started on September 1, at the state capital Jaipur.
The
peasants’ victory came in the form of an agreement after the day long, hectic
negotiations between the state government and AIKS leaders on September 8.
Sheopat Singh, Amraram, Dulichand, Girdhari Singh Fenin. Narayan Doodi and
Phoolchand Barber took part in the negotiations from the AIKS side.
The
historic win came because the peasants remained undaunted even after several
episodes of lathicharge, firing, arrests and other barbarities, perpetrated by
the government machinery in the recent past.
Below
are given some details of the agreement arrived at between the government and
AIKS representatives.
The
increased power tariffs for the peasants have been put in abeyance. Power
will be paid by older rates, with no penalty or interest over unpaid bills.
The state government has constituted a high-power committee, with two AIKS
nominees, to review the hike for all consumers, and the committee’s
decision will be binding. The blatantly elitist chief minister had to
concede that the peasants are in a sad plight and unable to pay the hiked
rates. She had to assure all help to the peasantry.
The
second demand was regarding power supply. The government’s failure to
ensure regular supply has caused a loss of crops worth crores of rupees. The
government had to assure that the remaining crops won’t be allowed to
wither away for want of power. In view of the drought conditions, there will
be regular, full voltage power supply for 8 hours during the rabi season.
Agricultural
connections of all categories will be changed to general category. These
number 65,000 out of a total 7 lakh connections. Pole and transformer
charges were already collected from the peasants who were also compelled to
pay twice or thrice than the general category. Now, the conversion of all
agricultural connections to the general category will benefit the peasants
to the extent of crores of rupees.
About
48,000 peasants have not yet got connection, even after 8 or 9 months of
having deposited the security. The government assured that they would be
given connections immediately.
Power corporation officials were taxing extra money from peasants in the name of power theft whenever there was an increase in load. Now, an increase in load will not be treated as theft, and the charge for increased load will be Rs 630 per horse power. This means a benefit of crores of rupees for the peasants. Further, they will not be harassed in the name of power theft. Arbitration committees will discuss the reports of vigilance checking.
Load
will not be decided on area basis. The corporation will not charge for any
load in excess over a peasant’s connection. All such decisions will be
null and void. The peasant can increase or decrease load according to the
conditions or his needs, and the corporation will not obstruct it.
No
minimum charge from the peasants. The already collected minimum charges will
be adjusted in the bills.
No
penalty or interest will be charged from the peasants who got a capacitor at
the time of getting connections. Any money already collected on this count
will be adjusted.
The
village panchayat area condition for connection shifting will be removed.
The process of connection shifting will be simplified.
Help
will be extended to the peasants who have suffered crop losses because of
drought or shortage of power.
Hetram
Beniwal and other kisan leaders, arrested in Rawala Ghadsana, will be
released; the Ajmer agreement of December 11, 2004 will be implemented; and
the government will hold talks with representatives of the Kisan Mazdoor
Vyapari Sangharsh Samiti to remove the difficulties in implementation.
After
the announcement that the state government has conceded all these demands, there
was an atmosphere of celebration at the mahapadav venue and, soon after, in the entire state. There were
slogans on “Long Live Peasant Unity!” and “Long Live Kisan Sabha!” all
over.
This
was natural. The struggle was being fought not only at the mahapadav venue in Jaipur but on a broader scale, and crores of
peasants, workers, students, youth and women all over the state were eager to
know the fate of the negotiations.
The
AIKS had called for a march to the chief minister’s bungalow on September 8,
and also called upon women to jam all the roads all over the state. The result
was that there was a jam on hundreds of roads all over Rajasthan at as early as
8 a m on the day, and women
were in the lead everywhere. Women thus made a powerful contribution to the
success of the struggle. (See box.)
The
agitation will be remembered for one more thing. Rising above their political,
caste and religious affiliations, rural people came to the streets and joined
the “Rasta Roko” en masse. Many roads in Sikar, Jhunjhunu and Nagore
districts were found completely deserted, as the agitation for water and power
took the shape of a mass movement all over the state. The result was that the
BJP government --- whose firing killed peasants in Ghadsana and Sohela, whose
lathicharges injured thousands of peasants, youth and students at scores of
places, and which threw about 600 agitators behind the bars --- found itself
completely paralysed.
The
reason was that the AIKS gave a correct slogan, ably led the peasant struggle
and also raised the justified demands of other sections of the people of all
parts of the state. This has not only further strengthened the toiling
people’s unity, but also gave the message that struggle is a must to wrest
rights from an anti-people regime.
The
AIKS has led many struggles for power, water and land in the state in the past.
In 1969-70, 15 peasants courted martyrdom in Shriganganagar district and over
20,000 courted arrest all over Rajasthan. This compelled the Sukhadia government
to bow down and over one lakh families got lands in the first phase of Indira
Gandhi Canal Project. In 1986, thousands of peasants courted arrest in
Shekhawati area in protest against a power tariff hike. In 1997, led by the AIKS,
peasants had organised a historic 6-day padav (camping) against the BJP’s Shekhawat government to demand
adequate power supply in order to save their crops. In 2001, peasants encircled
the state assembly and forced the Congress government of Ashok Gehlot to ensure
8-hour regular power supply.
The
Kisan Sabha has been waging struggles in tribal and other areas as well. All
this has resulted in a heightened prestige of the organisation in the state.
In
the recent past, during the agitation for water in the First Phase area of the
Indira Gandhi Canal Project, Leftist leaders of peasants and workers braved the
repression launched by the Vasundhara government of the BJP and in December 2004
forced it to come down from its high pedestal. This enthused the peasants all
over the state and when the government went back on its assurances, the peasants
had no hesitation to restart a Jail Bharo campaign against it.
It
was in this background that a powerful and heroic agitation started against the
backbreaking hike in power tariffs. In its two months long awareness campaign,
the AIKS organised more than 50 mass meetings in rural areas, with thousands
participating in each meeting. Dharnas and demonstrations were organised at
several tehsil headquarters. The gherao of district headquarters of Sikar on
July 28 and of Nagore on August 1 gave a momentum and militancy to the
agitation. Some 20,000 peasants declared that they won’t pay the hiked rates.
In
August, there was a mini drought and a spurt in the demand for power, but the
government began a power cut spree instead of augmenting the supply. The
prevailing supply of 2 or 3 hours a day could not save the crops, and peasants
got inflamed against the BJP government. The movement now spread to Jaipur,
Churu, Jhunjhunu and some other districts, some of whom did not even have a
Kisan Sabha organisation. Local peasant bodies and conscious peasants invited
the AIKS leaders to their villages and expressed intention to join the
agitation. The AIKS call for a mahapadav
sine die at Jaupur from September 1 onward galvanised the peasantry all over
the state. Peasants formed village level committees to prepare for joining the mahapadav.
The
fact that the BJP government had spared the big industrial units of the tariff
hike while sending to the peasants power bills one and a half times the previous
ones added insult to the peasants’ sense of injury.
From
the mahapadav, the Kisan Sabha gave
the call of “Save Agriculture and Save Peasantry to Save Rajasthan!” It
demanded immediate rescinding of the power tariff hike and 12 hours’ regular
power supply, among other things as listed above. It was now the call for a Do
or Die struggle. The mahapadav became
the symbol and an instrument of peasant unity in the state.
The
militant but disciplined peasant rallies during the mahapadav impressed the urbanites too. The anti-hike struggle became
a common cause of the urban and rural masses. No wonder the second such rally
got the name of “Unity Rally” from the peasants and common urban mass. Then
followed a flood of support from common urban people and their organisations.
Before the food items brought by the participating peasants exhausted, for
example, several quintals of atta and
other materials had reached the mahapadav
venue.
The
historic and unprecedented event did not leave untouched the media persons
either. The mahapadav dominated all
the newspapers and other media. This huge and positive coverage also helped in
augmenting the mass support for the struggle. Newer sections went on associating
with it. Soon, 10 Congress MLAs too declared support for the mahapadav
and there was a polarisation within that party in favour of or opposition to the
struggle. Especially, the rural workers of the party came out in open support.
Differences
within the BJP and its government sharpened on how to deal with the struggle.
The RSS was advising stern methods, but the growing impact and fast spreading
message of the mahapadav forced the
government to rethink. The opinion that finally emerged was mainly in favour of
a peaceful resolution. The insensitive, arrogant, adamant and killer BJP
government had had to ultimately constitute a cabinet subcommittee for the
purpose.
The
peasants not only brought food items to the mahapadav;
they also gave financial support to the Kisan Sabha. They were themselves in a
dire strait because of the drought conditions but contributed over 2 lakh rupees
to ensure that the fight continued. The West Bengal state committee of AIKS sent
an interim help of Rs one lakh, which gave the struggle further strength.
Various state units of the AIKS organised solidarity actions, thereby boosting
the morale of Rajasthan peasantry. Jyoti Basu’s message for the latter
electrified the whole environment. The Rajasthan state committee of the AIKS has
expressed gratitude to all who gave it support in one way or another.
Currently,
there is a debate in the media and among the intelligentsia as to what will be
the impact of the recent mahapadav on
state politics. Major newspapers in the state have written editorials about it,
stating that a third force has made its presence felt in Rajasthan. Right now,
the AIKS is engaged in giving its enhanced influence an organisational shape,
for the sake of future struggles. Its cadres have begun to mobilise people for
the “Rasta Roko, Rail Roko” programme announced for September 29 on a
13-point charter of demands.
(Dulichand
is general secretary of the AIKS Rajasthan state unit.)