People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXIX
No. 36 September 04, 2005 |
AFTER
a gap of nearly thirteen years, the National Integration Council (NIC) met on
August 31, 2005. The reconstituted
NIC discussed the basic theme of “communal harmony through governmental
action, education and media”.
The
NIC last met in November 1992. At this meeting which was boycotted by the BJP at
the height of their inflammatory Ayodhya movement, a unanimous resolution moved
by Harkishan Singh Surjeet was adopted. The
resolution authorised the then government of P V Narasimha Rao to take all
necessary measures to ensure the protection of the Babri Masjid.
History, however, is witness to the fact
that this did not happen. The
demolition of the Babri Masjid on December 6 and the gory consequences of mayhem
and killing that followed unleashed communal polarisation of the worst kind
(i.e., until the State-sponsored communal genocide in Gujarat).
Since
then, the NIC never met. During the
six years of the BJP-led NDA rule, despite various pleas, the Vajpayee
government refused to convene the NIC. This was only natural given the RSS/BJP’s
understanding that India is a country of “one nation, one people, one
culture”. The RSS/BJP simply does not recognise, ideologically, the multiple diversity that constitutes and
defines India today.
Ironically,
despite having refused to convene the NIC during their tenure, both Vajpayee and
Advani shared the dais alongwith
the prime minister, the UPA chairperson, other former prime ministers and the
general secretaries of the CPI(M) and the CPI.
The CPI(M)’s submission to the NIC, circulated at the meeting, is
reproduced elsewhere in this issue.
The
presence of both Vajpayee and Advani did not, in any way, signify that they have
deviated from their ideological positions that are wedded to the concept of the
RSS version of a “Hindu Rashtra”. This,
as we have repeatedly pointed out in these columns, is totally antithetical to
the secular democratic republican character
of modern India.
While
Vajpayee spoke in terms of changing the name of NIC in Hindi from ekta parishad to ekatmata
parishad, Advani spoke in terms of panth
nirpekshata (equality of all sects) instead of dharma nirpekshata (equality of all religions).
Both these are central to the RSS’s ideological moorings.
While
there may be little to dispute in terms of semantics on what Vajpayee sought,
the RSS reasoning behind this is assimilation of all religious diversity in
India into the fold of Hinduism. In
other words, they simply do not recognise India’s rich religious diversity. Further, given the fact that Hinduism as they define is
practiced by a larger number of people than any other religion in India,
therefore, we are told that all those embracing other religious denominations
must exist in the country only by accepting Hinduism and its leadership.
Golwalkar stated this in chilling terms as early as in 1939.
Those passages have been repeatedly quoted in these columns in the past.
Likewise,
Advani’s distinction explicitly suggests that the only dharma is 0Hinduism while all other religions do not qualify to this
status and hence are only panths or
sects. Once again, the superiority
of Hindu religion and the inferiority of all other religions is openly
suggested. This refusal to accept the equality of rights of all religions in
India is the genesis for fomenting communal hatred and polarisation.
Both
these positions fundamentally contradict the provisions of our Republican
Constitution. Any promotion of
national unity and integration in our country, far from not being achieved by
such conceptions, will only be further removed.
Hence, in the interests of India and its unity and integrity, such
conceptions must be rejected.
Such
a rejection also implies that secularism in the Indian context cannot be seen
merely as the equality of all religions. It must be the separation of religion
from State and politics. While the
State shall protect the right of every individual to pursue and propagate
his/her religion, the State itself shall not profess any religion.
While
the NIC must discuss, in its future meetings, all dimensions that affect
national unity and integrity (such as caste inequalities, economic inequalities,
regional disparities, linguistic discrimination etc) and suggest remedial
actions for the government of the day to undertake, it will do great service to
the modern Indian Republic if it can ensure the popularisation and
implementation of this scientific concept of secularism.