People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXIX
No. 35 August 28, 2005 |
CONCURRENTLY,
at the UN and other fora efforts were being made by non-aligned nations to
advance the cause of peace. India, for example, has taken several initiatives on
disarmament at the UN from 1947 onwards, at the Bandung Asian-African Conference
in 1955, and at the various conferences of the Non-Aligned Movement from 1961
onwards. It was India, which took the initiative in 1964 to place the item
“Non-proliferation of nuclear weapons” on the agenda of the UN.
In 1965, India along with seven other nations submitted a joint
memorandum towards achieving a solution to the problem of proliferation of
nuclear weapons. The memorandum called for negotiation of an international
treaty based, among others, on the principles that: (i)
the treaty should be void of any loopholes, which might permit nuclear or
non-nuclear powers to proliferate, directly or indirectly nuclear weapons in any
form; (ii) the treaty should embody an acceptable balance of mutual
responsibilities and obligations of nuclear and non-nuclear powers; and (iii)
the treaty should be a step towards the achievement of general and complete
disarmament and, more particularly, nuclear disarmament. These principles
constituted the basis of the Resolution 2028 (XX) adopted on November 19, 1965
by the UN General Assembly by a great majority, which included the UK, the US,
and the USSR.
After
having been parties to the above Resolution 2028 (XX), the US and the USSR
carried out bilateral negotiations and tabled identical draft treaties on
“Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons” (NPT) in the Disarmament Committee in
August 1967. The draft treaty was commended in a resolution overwhelmingly
adopted by the UN General Assembly in June 1968. India had good reasons to
oppose the said resolution since the three principle clauses (quoted in the para
above), which were the crux of Resolution 2028 (XX), had been omitted from the
same. Despite India’s vehement protests against non-inclusion of the said
clauses, the NPT was formally signed on July 1, 1968 by the US, the UK and the
USSR and it came into force on March 1, 1970. In the absence of those three
principal clauses, the worthlessness of the NPT stands thoroughly exposed today
as is evident from the outcome of the 2005 Review Conference held in New York.
The fundamental problem with the NPT, as has already been mentioned above, is
that it does not address the question of the CLEAR and PRESENT nuclear danger
but in fact recognises the “legitimate” right of the permanent members of
the UN Security Council to attack the very signatories to the NPT with nuclear
weapons.
Despite
conducting a totally unwarranted underground nuclear-test on May 18, 1974, which
the government of India described as a “peaceful nuclear explosion”, there
was no let up on the part of India in pursuing the goal of disarmament. In 1982,
prime minister Indira Gandhi, in a special message to the Second Special Session
of the General Assembly devoted to Disarmament, proposed a five-point programme
of action:
(i)
negotiation of binding convention on the non-use of nuclear weapons; (ii) a
freeze on nuclear weapons; (iii) an immediate suspension of all nuclear weapon
tests; (iv) a treaty on general and complete disarmament within an agreed
time-frame; and (v) that the United Nations take the lead in educating the
public on the dangers of nuclear war, on the harmful effects of the arms race on
the economy, as well as on the positive aspects of disarmament and its links
with development. At that session, India also tabled the draft text of an
international treaty prohibiting the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons.
Furthermore,
at the Third Special Session of the UN General Assembly devoted to Disarmament
held in 1988, prime minister Rajiv Gandhi proposed an ‘Action Plan for
Ushering in a Nuclear-Weapon-Free and Non-Violent World Order.’ The major
proposals of the Action Plan were: (1) Cessation of the production of nuclear
weapons by all nuclear-weapon states; (2) Cessation of production of
weapon-grade fissionable material; (3) Conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban
treaty; (4) Conclusion of a convention to outlaw the use and threat of use of
nuclear weapons pending their elimination; (5) Non-nuclear weapon Powers to
undertake not to cross the threshold into the acquisition of nuclear weapons;
(6) A time-bound treaty to eliminate nuclear weapons; and (7) Institution of a
proper verification system. In addition, the Action Plan called for drastic
reduction of ‘conventional’ arms; removal of all military forces and bases
from foreign countries; a ban on development of new weapon systems, such as
space weapons, and other means of warfare; and institutionalisation of a global
common security system. The Rajiv Gandhi
Action Plan is certainly the most comprehensive proposal for general and
complete disarmament in a phased manner that has been submitted by any
government before the United Nations till date. It is, indeed, very unfortunate
that the Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan has not been duly considered either by the
United Nations or by the major peace movements yet. Sadly, even the government
of India has since failed to pursue the Action Plan seriously.
It
is highly condemnable that a right-wing government in India had mindlessly
carried out a series of nuclear tests in 1998 and had decided to equip the armed
forces with nuclear weapons (thankfully with a unilateral commitment, for
whatever it is worth, not to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon
states and not to use nuclear weapons first against nuclear weapon states). Now,
the glimmer of hope is that in the Common Minimum Programme (CMP) of the UPA it
is clearly stated that UPA would “take a leadership role in promoting
universal, nuclear disarmament and working for a nuclear weapons-free world.”
Therefore, it is vital that the global peace movement exerts as much pressure as
possible to prevail upon the Indian government to convene an International
Conference for Global Nuclear Disarmament and to initiate steps for implementing
the Rajiv Gandhi ‘Action Plan for Ushering in a Nuclear Weapon Free and
Non-Violent World Order’ through the UN at the earliest.
A
DISCORDANT NOTE
While
the World Conference Against Atomic & Hydrogen Bombs have been regularly
held from 1955 onwards and is organised by the most active peace movement in the
world for the last fifty years, the 2005 World Conference failed to take a clear
cut stand on the ongoing crisis in the Korean Peninsula and West Asia. The
conference chose to remain a prisoner to the NPT and the illusory concept of
NWFZs with a benign call for ensuring that the said areas remained free of
nuclear weapons rather than demanding from the nuclear weapon powers a
categorical undertaking that the nuclear weapon powers should immediately
guarantee negative security assurance in the form of a No Use Pledge to the
non-nuclear weapon states.
The
problem of abolition of nuclear weapons would continue to remain where it has
been for the last sixty years as long as the nuclear weapon powers are allowed
to retain the unbridled “right” (under the unwritten provisions of the NPT)
to use nuclear weapons against any nation as they wish. There is an urgent need
for the peace movement to garner momentum so that progress could be made towards
the goal of abolition of nuclear weapons and in the direction of general and
complete disarmament.
No
More Hibakushas!
(Concluded)