People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXIX
No. 30 July 24, 2005 |
BJP
chairman Lal Krishna Advani has now got a bit of reprieve. The national council
meeting of the party, which was scheduled to open at Chennai on July 21, has
been postponed and will now meet in the middle of September. One notes that this
was in accordance with the ‘magnanimity’ displayed by the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) towards the BJP. The RSS dictation is that (1) Advani is
to relinquish any one of the two posts he now holds, i e of party president and
of the leader of opposition in Lok Sabha, and (2) he can choose his own timing
for relinquishing one of the two posts. It is another thing that the RSS bosses
have made it clear that they want Advani out of BJP chairmanship specifically.
All the tall talk of bringing to the fore “a new generation” leader points
to the same thing.
AS
the RSS bosses had expected that Advani would announce his resignation after the
Chennai meeting of the BJP national council, the party had no option but to
postpone the meet in order to avoid the inevitable --- as long as possible. The
other option was to stand up and defy the RSS leadership’s wishes, which the
party did not simply have the guts to do.
The
reason is simple. No matter what the BJP says of itself and no matter how much
innocence the RSS professes about being a purely cultural organisation that has
nothing to do with politics, the fact is different. It is that the BJP is
nothing but a creation as well as a handmaid of the RSS and that the latter
controls the party from behind the scene. This is what makes comprehensible the
Sangh demand, made by its spokesman Ram Madhav on July 17, that “swayamsevaks
working in organisations inspired by the Sangh ideology should maintain (the)
utmost commitment to ideology and also behave in a manner befitting Sangh
traditions.” Madhav also said “serious efforts” must be made in the coming
days to address the views of the Sangh on “issues like ideology, conduct,
organisation (and the) emergence of a new generation” of leadership. Another
demand was of maintaining “organisational discipline,” which cannot mean
anything except the RSS discipline.
This
also makes comprehensible what BJP vice president Venkaiah Naidu said on the
day: “All concerns of the Sangh related to the BJP will be addressed” and
“we will then move forward” (The
Hindu, July 17).
It
is thus clear that, to repeat a cliché once again, it is the RSS that controls
the BJP from behind the curtain and that the BJP has to capitulate to the RSS on
any particular issue, willingly or unwillingly. In fact, this is the way a
fascist, conspiratorial outfit like the RSS functions. Any talk of the BJP
having an independent position on a political or another issue is simply a
humbug, an eyewash.
Not
surprisingly, therefore, the BJP has capitulated to the RSS in the recent
episode, after all its prevarication.
ONE
need not go into the details of how the controversy erupted after Advani, while
in Karachi, said a few words about Jinnah’s ‘secularism’ and how the VHP,
an RSS controlled outfit, began to bay for the BJP chief’s blood. These
details are now public knowledge, and have been commented upon in these columns
several times. The main thing to ponder here is whether the VHP could dare to
utter a single word against Advani if the RSS were not egging it up from behind.
This
is the irony of the situation. The same Advani, who led the BJP’s most
strident communal campaign in the history of independent India, found himself
being dubbed as “secular” (really!) and hence being attacked by an outfit
like the VHP. Be that as it may, however, the RSS finally made it clear that it
was not for any dilution of its communal ideology.
What
took place on Sunday, July 17, was a culmination of the whole drama that had
been going on for the last one odd month. On that day, the BJP was to hold a
meeting of its general secretaries to discuss the agenda for the Chennai meeting
of its national executive. But the meeting could not be held as party leaders
remained preoccupied with the RSS bosses’ anger over Advani’s Karachi
speech. A few rounds of hectic meetings took place at RSS headquarters in
Jhandewalan (New Delhi) between RSS leaders (like Mohan Bhagwat and Suresh Soni)
and BJP leaders (Venkaiah Naidu, Jaswant Singh and Sanjay Joshi) in a bid to end
the standoff. And then, “After shunting between Jhandewalan and Mr Advani’s
residence, the BJP leaders accompanied Mr Advani to Jhandewalan to meet Mr
Bhagwat and Mr Soni” (The Hindu,
July 18).
Earlier,
RSS chief K S Sudarshan had been carefully avoiding Advani for the last one
month. According to The Hindu,
“Those close to the Sangh disclosed that the telephone call between Mr Advani
and Sangh sarsanghchalak K S Sudarshan over the past 24 hours was the “first
contact” between the two since the resignation issue came to the fore.”
It
was thus that Advani was punished for his “ideological deviation.” The only
‘grace’ shown to him is that he is to himself decide the timing of his
resignation, so as to avoid giving the impression that he is quitting under the
RSS pressure. It is another thing that any such attempt is bound to be in vain.
One
thing, however, can be safely said after watching this month long tragicomic
drama. Let alone a national party, the head of even a small party has never
suffered such utter humiliation as this poor fellow Advani has. Even Balraj
Madhok didn’t suffer such a fate when he was made to quit, in the late 1960s,
from the presidentship of the Jan Sangh, the previous incarnation of the BJP.
HOWEVER,
all this drama involving a person called L K Advani has a much wider
ramification. The fact is that, after the NDA’s rout in the May 2004 Lok Sabha
polls, the BJP and in general the whole Sangh Parivar has simply been unable to
decide their course of action. What to talk of regaining the lost ground, they
are at a loss to figure out why the people at all showed them the door. On top
of that, the BJP is not yet reconciled to the fact that it is now not a ruling
party but one in opposition, and has to behave as such. The plain fact is that
parties keep coming into and going out of power in a democratic system, and they
adjust their mode of action accordingly. But not so the BJP. The way it has
boycotted the parliamentary proceedings in the last one year, only indicates how
the BJP is yet to learn the basics of democracy.
However,
there is nothing surprising in it. Under the diktat of its mentor, the RSS, the
BJP has been taking recourse more to deceit and deception than to legitimate
methods of mobilising the people. In March 1998, the BJP came to power because
of the following factors:
(1)
As the people were fed up with the Congress government led by Narasimha Rao and
then with the two United Front governments, they had no option but to vote for
the BJP in the absence of any other alternative. The latter’s slogan of being
a party of principles and a party with a difference also deceived the people.
(2)
Even then the BJP failed to get a majority on its own. So it hurriedly cobbled a
post-poll alliance, called the NDA.
(3)
But the NDA did not have a majority either. This became possible only because of
outside support from the TDP that was till then a part of the United Front. TDP
chief, though, extracted a very heavy price from the union government for this
support.
But
the tragedy is that as soon as the BJP came to power, it embarked on the course
of implementing the RSS policies that were detrimental to the people’s
interests, to our national unity and our economic sovereignty. India’s
prestige in the world arena was jeopardised when the BJP regime began to
dismantle our time-tested foreign policy and pursue the goal of becoming the
US’s adjunct in South Asia. Liberalised imports of agrarian produce and
drastic cuts in subsidies on agricultural inputs led to suicide by thousands of
farmers, and showed where the BJP policies would lead us to. The period saw
unprecedented attacks on Christians and Muslims.
BUT,
as they say, you can deceive all the people for some time and some people all
the time but you cannot deceive all the people all the time. The result was that
the basically secular, peace loving and freedom loving people of this country
rejected the BJP and allies as soon as they got a chance. So much so that they
did not make the BJP the largest party, thus depriving it of a claim to be
called for government formation. No amount of propaganda barrage about feel good
and India shining came to the rescue of the party.
In
fact, this is where the root of the BJP’s crisis lies. While its policies in
diverse fields are not acceptable to the people, the RSS cannot now push its
agenda the way it did during 1998-2004. But, as said, the brigade is still
unable to fathom out why the people showed them the door. The RSS and its
outfits still think the BJP was defeated because of too little communalism. This
is what transpired from the August 2004 meeting of BJP national executive and
from the Haridwar conclave of the RSS which VHP leaders boycotted till Advani
remained there. But the fact is that it was their communalism that earned for
the BJP its well-deserved defeat.
This
their tragedy is. They cannot give up their communal, pro-rich and
pro-imperialist policies, as these are their very raison d’etre, while the people too are not prepared to condone
these policies. The result is that, as the proverb goes, they are all dressed up
and nowhere to go. The only novelty of the situation is that as they have
nowhere to go, they all are tearing up one another’s dresses. The way Ms Uma
Bharti defied Advani’s authority last year was only one example of the
internecine conflict going on within the BJP and between various outfits of the
Sangh Parivar.
Nay,
this was precisely the reason that last year the RSS desisted from handing the
BJP’s responsibility over to the “new generation” leaders. Uma Bharti,
Pramod Mahajan, Arun Jaitley, Sushma Swaraj, and so on and so forth --- all are
pulling one another’s legs.
AND
now the latest episode involving Advani has confounded the confusion already
prevailing within the BJP. There is no doubt that, on his part, Advani’s
attempt was to get for himself a new dress, that of a moderate, though he was
all along considered the leader of hawks within the BJP. (This means
unrealistically assuming that a doves and hawks division is valid for the BJP,
though some people do think so.) For the so-called moderate image of Vajpayee
had indeed paid some dividend to the Sangh Parivar and no less to Vajpayee. If
he was acceptable to other NDA allies, and if the RSS pushed him forward as the
prime ministerial candidate, the only reason was his ‘moderate’ image, which
the RSS did it best to exploit.
By
all indications, Advani’s attempt was to step into Vajpayee’s shoes by
getting for himself a new image, and the way Fernandes, Nitish & Co.
welcomed his Karachi speech indicated that he could well be accepted by the rump
NDA. But this was precisely what irked the VHP and other Parivar outfts, coupled
with the hypocritical statement that the Babri demolition was the saddest
episode of Advani’s life. And now, by all indications, Advani is on his way
out; the only thing is: when!
But
the thing is: will Advani’s ouster pull the Sangh Parivar out of the
inevitable, and unenviable, predicament it finds itself in? Going by the
available indications, the answer may be in the negative.
To
be very frank, we of the CPI(M) and the Left are not concerned with the internal
problems of the BJP. It will be another thing if their problems begin to affect
the national life and polity. But one thing we do say. While the LPG policies
cannot solve the people’s problems and are only adding to popular discontent,
the Left and democratic forces have to be doubly vigilant so that this
discontent is not diverted into fratricidal channels. This demands energetic
mass movements from the Left parties. And let me assure you of one thing: the
situation today is favourable as never before.
In
the end, a few words about the NDA parties. Out of their hunger for power, these
parties chose to remain mute spectators to whatever the saffron brigade went on
doing during 1998-2004. The BJP’s allies did not do anything except making a
faint murmur even while Muslims were being butchered in Gujarat, with a windbag
like Fernandes going to the extent of praising Modi. And they have reaped what
they had sowed. The fate of Chandrababu Naidu and Om Prakash Chautala can serve
as an object lesson to the other NDA parties for future.
It
is not only that the mass base of NDA parties has eroded, the NDA itself has
undergone an erosion. The TDP has deserted it and so have the INLD, Haryana
Vikas Party (that later merged into the Congress), half a dozen parties in
Tamilnadu, the AGP, the LJP, the National Conference and so on. As for the rest,
the BJD etc is not very keen to defend the BJP on this or that issue. There thus
remain with the BJP only those parties that have nowhere else to go. E g the
JD(U), Shiv Sena and Trinamul Congress. And they too have suffered no less
erosion in their mass base.
By
now one thing is patently clear --- that whosoever aligned with the BJP had to
pay dearly for it. As of today, can the other parties hope to gain by aligning
with a party that cannot maintain its own internal cohesion or win the
people’s confidence? This the non-Congress secular parties have to ponder in
their own interest.