People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXIX
No. 27 July 03, 2005 |
EDITORIAL
A Consistent Fighter all Along
THIS
issue of the People's Democracy is dedicated to its fortieth birthday.
June 27, 1965 was the date of our first issue. Since then, dated every Sunday, People's
Democracy (or PD) has come out regularly every one of these 2000 odd weeks.
Much
of these years were not easy times; there were many challenges that the PD met
and continues to meet. Through all these years, PD has tried to be the communist
voice in India ---what Lenin had characterised the party paper as being not only
the collective propagandist, but also the collective organiser and the
collective agitator.
The
CPI(M) was born in a bitter struggle against revisionism or the line of class
collaboration. Immediately after its formation, even months before the formal
split, the Indian ruling classes had mounted an offensive against the leaders of
the would-be CPI(M) by using the Sino-Indian conflict as an excuse. Our leaders
were arrested, offices sealed and normal functioning prohibited. The government
of India had issued a `White Paper' on the so-called “anti-Indian” stance of
the would-be CPI(M).
What
was the position taken by this section, those who went on to form the CPI(M) ?
The stand has been consistent over these forty odd years: that any dispute with
China can only be resolved across the negotiating table and not through recourse
to a conflict or war. It is an irony of history that those very sections that
mounted an attack against us four decades ago are now advocating the same
solution and none other!
PD
had to continuously address the communist rank and file and the Indian people on
such issues. Soon after the bitter struggle against revisionism, came an even
more bitter struggle against left adventurist deviation. A section of the CPI(M)
leadership – sizeable and influential section in states like Andhra Pradesh
--- advocated “people's war” as an immediately realiseable goal. Inspired,
amongst others, by Mao Zedong’s pamphlet “a single spark can set the prairie
afire,” this section called for an immediate armed revolution, annihilation of
the class enemy and the total negation of parliamentary democracy.
The
struggle against these deviations was bitter --- more so due to the support they
received from the international communist giants. For nearly two decades, the
CPI(M) remained `isolated' from the international communist movement. While one
called us `revisionist', the other would call us `dogmatist'.
The
ideological correctness of the CPI(M)'s position, vindicated by subsequent
events, had to be established through many a debate in these columns. This was
also a time when major communist movements in other parts of the world, unable
to withstand these deviations, unfortunately collapsed. Indonesia, Sudan, Iraq,
Iran, Egypt, all had communist movements which at times were stronger than that
in India. They eventually crumbled since they could not ideologically combat the
destructiveness of these deviations.
In
India the task of correctly applying the creative science of Marxism-Leninism
--- as the “concrete analysis of concrete conditions” --- fell upon the
CPI(M). This is something the CPI(M) has undertaken through its programmatic and
ideological positions and the consequent praxis. The result is what it is today.
The
CPI(M) today – its position, responsibilities and influence in Indian politics
– has been achieved on the basis of immense sacrifices: thousands of our
comrades had to lay down their lives in these battles against class enemies,
both international and domestic, and battles against class deviations, both of
the right and the left variety.
The
worst of these attacks was in West Bengal during the years preceding the
declaration of Emergency in 1975 – exactly thirty years ago. These years of
semi-fascist terror in Bengal saw the martyrdom of thousands of comrades and the
displacement of many more. While the CPI(M) faced these attacks, it continuously
warned Indian political parties that what was then confined to Bengal, would
soon be a national reality. In
retrospect, it is unfortunate that none of the opposition parties heeded our
analysis or experience.
While
PD had to undertake this campaign, its difficult days came during the Emergency.
We reproduce elsewhere in this issue the facsimile of the censored copy of People's
Democracy. The empty spaces in PD's columns conveyed much more to
bolster resistance. As a revolutionary once said after the massacre of the Paris
commune, the eloquence of silence is sometimes more powerful than the tyranny of
words!
All
through these periods of trials and tribulations, we consider it a matter of
pride and satisfaction that PD kept reaching our subscribers and communicating
our point of view to the Indian public uninterruptedly.
This
would have been impossible without the stewardship of its editors and the
unsung, unnamed contributions of the editorial team. Starting with its first
editor Comrade Jyoti Basu (whose recollections appear in this issue) PD was
steered by Comrade EMS Namboodripad, Comrade B T Ranadive, Comrade M
Basavapunniah and Comrade Sunil Moitra. That every week the issue would go to
press, that every week the letter press in the olden days would send its proofs
for correction to eventually be printed in time was a product as much of
communist dedication as of professionalism. One cannot forget the role of
Comrade Sengupta, our press manager in the most difficult of times in Delhi, who
despite his delightful angularities, would make sure that PD rolled out on time
every0 week. While Comrade Ramdass was the backbone of the party paper, he was
ably assisted by a team when the party decided to shift the headquarters and PD
to Delhi following the spectacular defeat of Emergency.
With
Comrade Rajan joining the team after the Jalandhar Congress, alongwith the
commencement of the publication of Lok Lahar, under Comrade Harkishan Singh
Surjeet as editor, marked a qualitative advance. Comrade Kitty Menon’s joining
as a wholetimer further strengthened it.
In
the post-Emergency period, People's Democracy had a more complex
role to discharge. The emergence of coalition politics, sealing the end of the
one-party monopoly in the country, meant the need to define, discuss and
evaluate many nuances in the Indian polity. PD had to intervene in these
debates. The rise and fall of the Janta Party Government, the return of Indira
Gandhi, her assassination by Khalistani extremists, Rajiv Gandhi’s succession
and later his assassination, the V P Singh government and finally the United
Front government supported by the Congress brought about a qualitative shift in
the content and contours of Indian politics. While Indian polity was maturing,
its social reality finally reflecting in its politics, the role of the Left led
by the CPI(M) was naturally growing. Its governments in West Bengal, Kerala and
Tripura, showing their differences through their policies and methods of
governance, strengthened the relevance of the Left in Indian politics.
This
was the period when the one-party Congress rule facilitated the rise and the
offensive of the right-wing communal forces in the country. The defense of
democracy was an important issue during the period of Emergency. More important
now was the defense of secularism. The secular democratic foundations of Indian
republic were threatened with the BJP's ascendancy to power. Simultaneously, the
BJP's embrace of globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation meant an
irrevocable attack on India's sovereignty. It was imperative for the future of
India and to protect the potential for its revolutionary transformation that the
BJP was picked out of control of state power. The CPI(M)'s role in ensuring this
in the 2004 general elections is there for all to see.
PD's
role in all these battles (including some of its electoral prognosis that ran
against the psephological tides of the time!) reflects its proximity to ground
realities.
The
tasks today are in fact as complex if not more. While communal forces have been
outed from power, the task of protecting India's economic sovereignty and the
interests of the people from the neo-liberal economic onslaught remains a
formidable challenge. While the communal forces will not be given any quarter to
stage a comeback, at the same time, this UPA government will not be given any
quarter to undermine the interests of the Indian people.
It
is the PD's endeavour to rise to the occasion and meet
these challenges. We solicit the cooperation of our readers.