People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXIX
No. 21 May 22, 2005 |
THE
UPA government has brought in a bill as promised in the CMP for ensuring one
hundred days work per family. The
union government has attached several qualifications to the basic issue of one
hundred days’ work. The bill
excludes the urban poor.
The
bill incorporates the words ‘below-the poverty-line’ or BPL for the targeted
beneficiaries. Let us look at the
poverty line itself. Take for example a man in the village does work for 110
days gainfully. Is he rich enough
to be kept out of the 100 days’ work scheme?
If
we lean on the generous side and fix his daily wage at Rs 70, his yearly earning
is (Rs 70 x 110) Rs 7700. His daily
wage is thus Rs 21, and assuming that he has a family of four per capita income
of this household is just Rs 5.25. Shall
we consider him disqualified on the score of being ‘overqualified’ for the
scheme? Can anything be more
ridiculous?
The
Left has correctly asked for a scheme where 180 days work is to be ensured.
One has to understand that the fulfilment of this demand would not make
any significant difference for the government but would provide real relief to
the rural poor of the country.
According
to the UNHRC, the BPL can be mapped either by an income figure of $1 or $2 per
day, which roughly translates into Rs 45, or Rs 90 per day.
Going by these poverty lines, 34.7 per cent or 79.9 per cent of the
people of this country were below the poverty line in 1999-2000.
The
union government has manipulated figures to project that anybody having an
income above Rs 8 per day cannot be considered BPL. In addition, a rider has since been added.
The union government believes that not more than 10 per cent of the 27.09
per cent people living BPL in the villages and 23.62 in the cities would become
eligible for the one-hundred-days-work guarantee scheme.
Intake
of calories in the meanwhile has been going down alarmingly. In 1973-74 official
poverty line had corresponded to a daily calories norm of 2400 kcal (rural) and
2100 kcal (Urban). In 1993-94 the official poverty line was sufficient to
acquire only 1968 kcal (daily) per
capita in the rural areas and 1890 kcal (daily) per capita in urban areas.
Yet, the ‘accepted’ norm for qualifying for the BPL category remains
higher at 2400 and 2100 kcal for villages and cities respectively. In the
circumstances, the provision for guaranteeing work for only those below the
poverty line is a deception played on the vast masses that groan in poverty.
Let
us look at the international scene. In
China, which is at the primary stage of Socialism, those who spend 60 per cent
of the income on food are considered BPL. In
the developed capitalist country of the United States, the figure is 33.3 per
cent. By such norms, the number
those in the BPL category would be substantially higher than those on the basis
of official poverty line.
It
is our basic demand that the union government must ensure work for workers,
peasants, women, khet-mazdoors, youth,
people of various communities, and for people of all religious beliefs, of all
creeds, and belonging to the backward sections.
The demand is for a provision in which a person can live honestly.
The
demand includes provision for food, shelter, potable water, education, and
electricity at cheap rates. The
most important provision is for regular work for a period each year.
This will ensure that the poor live and develop.
At least we shall not see thousands of suicides by the poor every year
around the country.
Development
economists define poverty as denial of many things. Poverty can connote hunger, lack of shelter, lack of basic
medical facilities, lack of potable water, lack of access to basic education,
lack of jobs and fearfulness about the future. Poverty means lack of
empowerment, lack of representation, and lack of freedom.
If
that is so, then the right to one hundred days of work must be associated with
the union government taking the responsibility for education, health, housing,
potable water, and supply of electricity. The
masses need to become involved in wide movements across the country to ensure
that this is so.
We
must also realise that with the market for jobs shrinking and the size of the
working population increasing, it becomes a buyer’s market and wage rate keeps
falling. Poverty increases by leaps and bounds and the union government’s talk
of ‘fixing wages’ becomes a cruel joke played on the poor.
The
present face of capitalist globalisation is neo-liberalisation of economy.
Production is decentralised across the nations, states, provinces, and
areas, even to home-based units. The
rank of workers now includes those toiling away in the semi-urban areas and in
villages. Unorganised workers have the overwhelming majority of the
nation’s work force. Of the 50
crore of population above 18 years of age, 37 crore belong to this sector.
To
ensure, the vast army of the jobless productive employment, jobs must be
created. Endeavours based on such
activities like road construction, digging ponds, digging wells, creating
shallow water bodies as small catchments for rain water, producing organic
fertilizers, building dams, fabricating toilets, setting up low-rate tourist
centres must accompany health measures, literacy drives, and development of
animal resources.
To
give a cogent example: in Jangipur in Murshidabad district in rural Bengal, one
sees Left Front-run municipalities preparing young women to take blood pressure
of patients in areas that remain remote. For
a nominal fee, the women check blood pressure at least two days a week, and earn
Rs 750 per month, supplementing their other income sources.
All
these activities will produce employment. Since development involves jobs
creation, and when this does not happen workers get organised and prepare for
the class struggle.
It is distinctly possible to build up a vast mass movement across the country on the basic demand for one hundred days work. Even those marginally above the poverty line would get involved in the movement for jobs to be created. The poor will raise the strident slogan for employment, calling upon the union government to implement what the UPA had promised in the CMP.
Based on the demand for jobs, the poor of the country would become united in a strong movement and the worker-peasant unity would be further augmented. The slogan of campaign must be transformed into an effective slogan for the implementation of the demand for one hundred days’ work for each poor family, through struggles and movements as more and more sections of the people would come forth to swell the ranks of the struggle across the country.