People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXIX
No. 20 May 15, 2005 |
THE
UPA government has introduced two bills in parliament which cannot be supported
by the CPI(M) and the Left parties. The first bill seeks to provide a legal
backing for the new contributory pension scheme in place of the “defined
benefit scheme” for central government employees. The Pension Fund Regulatory
And Development Authority Bill would enable this scheme to be extended to state
government employees and other sectors of the work force who are entitled to
pensions. The CPI(M) and the Left parties opposed the introduction of this bill
in the Lok Sabha. Earlier, the government had promulgated an ordinance to set up
the regulatory authority without any consultations with either the Left parties
or the trade unions.
The
CPI(M) has opposed the switch over to the new pension scheme as it is meant to
change the nature of pension as a social security benefit and make available
pension funds for investment in the equity market.
The
new pension scheme was announced by the BJP-led government and notified with
effect from January 1, 2004. Central government employees entering service from
this date onwards have to make a monthly contribution of 10 per cent of their
salary and dearness allowance which will be matched by the central government.
The Pension Fund Regulatory Authority would decide which are the pension fund
managers who would have access to the pension funds for investments. The three
schemes which are provided for the employees to opt for, all require some degree
of investment in equity in the stock market. According to the chairman of the
Interim Pension Fund Regulatory Authority there will be one public sector
company and five private sector companies including foreign ones who will manage
the fund. The employees opting for schemes where greater equity investments are
involved will have to face the risk of losing their lifetime contribution if
their pension funds do badly in the stock market.
This
bill is to facilitate the privatisation of pension funds which is being pushed
for by international finance capital and the neo-liberalisers. The Left parties
have written to the prime minister announcing their intention to oppose the bill
if it is proceeded with. Right now, the bill has been referred to the standing
committee for the ministry of finance.
The
second bill which has been cleared by the cabinet for introduction in parliament
is the Banking Regulation Amendment Act. This amendment seeks to do away with
Section 12 of the Act which provided for a voting rights cap of 10 per cent on
the shares held in private sector banks. This amendment is being made in line
with the UPA government’s decision to go ahead with allowing foreign direct
investment in Indian private banks upto 74 per cent. The BJP-led government had
on March 5, 2004, on the eve of the Lok Sabha elections issued a notification
which raised the FDI limit under the automatic route. Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh had on his first visit to New York announced the commitment of the UPA
government to implement the 5th March 2004 notification. It is to facilitate the
FDI acquisition of Indian private banks that the cap of 10 per cent voting right
is being proposed to be removed.
The
Left parties had submitted a note to the UPA-Left coordination committee in
February 2005 spelling out their opposition to the proposal to enhance the FDI
cap in the banking sector. The CPI(M) is opposed to moves to further deregulate
the banking sector for a number of reasons. Deregulation of the banking sector,
which is a vital component of financial liberalisation, greatly enhances the
scope of speculative activities and exposes the financial system to the risks
associated with volatile capital flows. In India we have seen the example of the
Global Trust Bank and the Nedungadi Bank which are a warning of what can be
expected if reckless deregulation of the banking sector is carried out. The
Reserve Bank of India has repeatedly stressed on diversifying ownership of banks
and this is why the guidelines issued by the RBI in July 2004 chose to be
extremely cautious about the further opening up of the banking sector and
allowing domestic or foreign investors to acquire a large share holding in any
bank and exercise proportionate voting rights.
The
CPI(M) also does not accept the argument put out by the finance minister in
parliament that hiking the foreign equity cap in banking would create “an
enabling environment” for higher FDI cap leading to “infusion of new
technology and management practices” resulting in “enhanced
competitiveness”. The raising of the equity cap need not ensure higher FDI
inflows nor necessarily imply infusion of such technology and management
practices that are beneficial to the economy and the people. Rather than enhance
competition, it may curb it, especially when a regulatory framework meant to
ensure diversified ownership is diluted to pave the way for foreign banks to
acquire Indian banks through creeping acquisition. What the UPA government is
proposing is to let foreign banks take over Indian private banks in the name of
infusion of capital into weak private banks. There are a number of Indian
private banks which will be subject to take over by large foreign banks. If
there are any private banks which are in trouble they can be taken over by
public sector banks. Several public sector banks have expressed their desire to
acquire another bank.
The
CPI(M) cannot be party to any move to facilitate the takeover of Indian private
banks by foreign banks. Therefore, the Banking Regulation Amendment Act will be
opposed on the floor of the House whenever it comes up for consideration.
As
the budget session of parliament ends, it is to be noted that the UPA government
has failed to take up bills and pass legislation which are important for large
sections of the people. The Rural Employment Guarantee Bill could not be adopted
in the current session because of the inability of the standing committee to
process the bill given the boycott of parliament and all the standing committees
by the BJP. Even before the boycott by the BJP, the government had not shown any
seriousness in fulfilling the commitment made in the CMP to provide for 100 days
minimum work to one adult in every rural household. The bill had diluted various
important aspects of the employment guarantee scheme. The other bill which is
vital for millions of tribal people and forest dwellers was the Scheduled Tribes
and Forest Dwellers (Regulation of Rights) Bill. The union cabinet did not take
up this bill for presentation in parliament even though it was scheduled to do
so. This bill was meant to secure for adivasis and forest dwellers the right to
live and pursue their livelihood in the forests. The failure to introduce this
bill has caused great disappointment and is seen as a failure to live up to the
commitment made in the Common Minimum Programme to the tribal people for their
right of access to the forest.
The
food-for-work programme which was announced by the UPA government in November
2004 is now in operation in 150 backward districts. It is reported that Rs 50 to
100 crores have been provided in each district depending on the size of the
population for the programme. The Party has decided to ascertain how far this
programme is being implemented and whether funds and the foodgrains stocks are
being properly utilised. Given the past experience there is genuine concern that
the benefits of such programmes do not reach the people due to systemic
corruption and siphoning off of funds. The reports of how BPL stock of
foodgrains have been sold off in a multi crore scandal in certain districts of
Uttar Pradesh and the scandal of the pocketing of flood relief fund in Bihar
which has surfaced recently, illustrate the problem. The UPA government should
not cite such examples to justify the scaling down of such programmes addressed
to the rural poor. It should instead initiate firm action to crack down on
diversion of food stocks from the PDS and the misuse of funds in the rural
development and employment generation schemes.
The
record of the legislation taken up in the budget session of parliament confirms
what the political resolution of the 18th congress has stated with regard to the
UPA government.
“The
UPA government has shown itself eager to fashion policies favourable to big
business and international finance capital while being tardy or negligent in
protecting the interests of the working class and the working people.”
While
the UPA government completes one year in office it will be advisable for the
leadership of the UPA to ponder over this bias.