People's Democracy

  The Message Of The 18th Congress

 Prakash Karat

THE 18th Party congress held in the capital of India for the first time has established one fact before the country – the CPI(M) is the one Party which can consistently put forward an alternative to the present bourgeois-landlord policies and  it is the only Party which can rally all the left, democratic and progressive forces to carry forward the struggle for a left and democratic alternative.  For many people, the congress was an eye-opener. They came to know how the CPI(M) functions, how inner-Party democracy works, how the leadership is collectively exercised and how the CPI(M) is different from bourgeois parties in the country.

The 18th congress was held in the background of the success achieved in removing the BJP-led government from the Centre in the 14th Lok Sabha elections in May 2004. The CPI(M) had pursued the tactical line adopted in the 17th congress and gave three concrete slogans for the elections on that basis.  The Party called for the defeat of the BJP- led alliance, the formation of a secular government at the Centre and the strengthening of the CPI(M) and the Left in parliament.  The success in achieving all these three aims and the correct approach evolved in forming a new government at the Centre and extending support to the UPA government without joining it found widespread acceptance in the Party at all levels. This was reflected in the discussions in the state conferences and the pre-congress discussions on the draft political resolution.

The entire Party is focused on how to build on this success. The Party congress was called upon to formulate a suitable political line which can advance the Party and the Left and democratic movement. Utilising the favourable political situation, the congress was required to set out the organisational measures which could help the Party accomplish steady expansion so that it becomes a powerful all India force.

The tasks set out in the Party congress have to be accomplished in an international situation wherein US imperialism is continuing its offensive. The re-election of Bush as president in November 2004 confirms that there will be no let-up in the aggressive posture of the US.

This is an imperialism which does not hesitate to violate the sovereignty of independent nations. In its quest for total hegemony, the USA is prepared to utilize its military might to make countries fall in line.  The prime example is Iraq. Iraq was not willing to acquiesce in the US plans to dominate the region. The occupation of Iraq is part of the plan to reorder West Asia to control the oil resources of West Asia. Talk of restoring democracy and liberty is the façade for this naked plan for recolonisation.

The US under Bush has set forth a strategic doctrine which states that no country will be allowed to match or surpass the strength of the United States. If necessary, the US will militarily intervene to prevent this happening.  The doctrine of pre-emptive strike is meant to be used against countries who the US perceives or decides is a potential threat to its security, instead of an actual threat. This is the convenient pretext coined in the so-called war on terrorism which will be used against any country or government which defies the will of the US.

It is this aggressive and illegal approach which motivates the US to threaten the DPRK, Iran and Syria and covertly work against the Venezuelan government.  The blockade and hostile measures against Cuba is stepped up because it refuses to surrender its right to decide the social system it wants to live under.

The political resolution of the 18th congress has pointed out that the contradiction between imperialism and the developing countries has intensified further in the recent period.   Resistance to the imperialist offensive has grown on various fronts. The heroic resistance by the Iraqi people is at the centre of this worldwide resistance to imperialism. The Palestinian movement is fighting against heavy odds against the Israeli occupation which is backed by the US. The popular and democratic forces in Venezuela have repeatedly foiled the US sponsored efforts to destabilise the government of president Hugo Chavez.

While this resistance is developing, there are difficulties too.  One is the state of inter-imperialist contradictions. While they exist and conflicts occur as seen in the opposition to the war on Iraq by France and Germany, there is also side by side cooperation between the imperialist countries. They are broadly united on intensifying the exploitation of the third world countries.  The US is able to act as the leader and arbiter to keep the unity of the bloc.  The second difficulty is that the ruling classes of the lesser developed capitalist countries are by and large collaborating with imperialist finance capital and are unable or unwilling to protect their sovereignty or autonomy.

It is keeping these problems in mind that the struggle against imperialist globalisation and defence of national sovereignty has to be conducted. While all fissures in the imperialist bloc are to utilised and any degree of resistance by the bourgeois governments of the developing countries, such as the G-20 forum are to be supported, the main reliance in the struggle against imperialism lies in developing the struggles against imperialist globalisation and in developing the direct resistance to imperialist war, occupation and intimidation.  It is the increase in this resistance, especially in Latin America, which is the heartening feature in the current period.

India is a target of imperialism’s attention given the sheer size of its market and the immense possibilities for the forays of international finance capital. The US also strategically sees India as counter-weight to China whose growing power, it wishes to contain. The US has been wooing India’s ruling classes since the nineteen nineties for making it an strategic ally. This began at the time of the Narasimha Rao government and has been taken forward under the Vajpayee regime.  The US succeeded in making India part of its global strategic design.  It is the struggle to make India act as an independent power which can contribute to checking the unipolar proclivities of the US which is one of the key tasks set out by the Party congress.

While engaging ourselves in this task, the political resolution has pointed out that the US has made inroads into our neighbourhood, in South Asia. The Musharaff regime in Pakistan was told to become an ally in the “war against terrorism”. The US has signed security and military collaboration agreements with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. The US is helping the King of Nepal in the name of fighting the Maoist insurgency. It is essential therefore to step up the cooperation between the Left and democratic forces in India and the South Asian countries. This has not been happening enough in the past.

Building a powerful anti-imperialist movement in India and bringing about a shift in India’s foreign policy towards a more independent policy is the responsibility which the CPI(M) has taken up in the Party congress.  Success in this will be a big contribution to the worldwide struggle.

Let us take up the national political-tactical line formulated in the congress.  The Political Resolution noted seven major features of the current situation. They can be summed up as follows:

1. Though the BJP was defeated in the Lok Sabha elections and this electoral setback is a significant victory for the left, democratic and secular forces, the strength of the BJP-RSS combine must not be underestimated.  Though they are in some disarray at present, as seen in the bickerings between the BJP and RSS about the responsibility for this debacle, eventually they will regroup and try to use the hindutva agenda to make a comeback. Six years of BJP rule has led to the entrenching and penetration of communal elements in the State institutions and society which should not be underestimated.

2. The bourgeois-landlord combination headed by the Congress is in power at the centre. Though secular in character, the Congress cannot be relied upon to carry out a consistent struggle against the communal and divisive forces.  It benefited from the popular discontent against the BJP-led government’s economic policies but it has no intention of making any major changes in these policies.

3. The class character of the Congress and the performance of the UPA government which pursues policies of liberalisation is bound to impact on the livelihood and living conditions of the people. On the ground, people cannot experience any change – the agrarian distress continues, the crisis of small and traditional industries is getting worse, the repeated increases in prices of petroleum products is heaping additional burden on the people. All this is bound to generate discontent in the coming days.

4. The regional parties continue to play an important role in national politics. Most of them have displayed opportunism by joining hands with the BJP and some have gone with the Congress. Most of them decide their stand based on their state interests. When they are in state government, they are following the same policies of liberalisation and privatisation that are advocated by the BJP or the Congress. Due to this, they are also facing the problem of maintaining their support and seek to continue in the state government by various maneouvres.

5. The intensification of the caste appeal in electoral politics and the rise of political forces on caste lines is a marked feature of the current situation. Caste based political mobilisation hampers the development of the democratic movement and helps perpetuate patronage politics revolving around caste leaders who switch allegiances without any political or ideological convictions.

6. Imperialism is constantly exercising pressure and seeking to expand its influence in the country. In domestic economic, political and foreign policy affairs, the influence of imperialism, particularly the US has grown.  The BJP-led government facilitated this, but with the UPA government in office, except for some shift in emphasis, the strategic collaboration with US and its deep inroads remain.

7. Finally, the role of the Left in the current situation. Though its strength is limited on the all-India plane, it is playing a significant role.  The crucial position it has acquired must be utilised to advance the struggle against communalism, the pro- big business economic policies and imperialism.

The Political Resolution has taken into account these features of the present situation and set out the Party’s approach and tasks.

In the present situation, the role the Party has to play is to build on the success of dislodging the BJP from the Centre and initiate a broad campaign to roll back the vantage points gained by the communal forces in different spheres of society. Every day reports are coming of the RSS and its allied outfits launching attacks on minorities in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh, Orissa and other places.  In Gujarat, the Modi government is shamelessly protecting the culprits who participated in the communal pogroms and is working to reduce Muslims and Christians as second class citizens. The all sided struggle against the communal forces, political ideological and organisational must be carried on. Wherever, manifestations of minority communalism and fundamentalist trends emerge, the Party must counter them while defending the legitimate rights of the minorities.

The Party has extended support to the UPA government with the clear understanding that in the present situation, it is not possible to have a secular government without the Congress-led combination. The continuance of the UPA government in office depends on its willingness to implement the pro-people measures in the Common Minimum Programme and how its maintains the unity of the UPA coalition. As far as the Party and the Left are concerned, they will continue to press for the implementation of the pro-people steps. To accomplish this, the Party will build mass movements and conduct struggles.  The Party has no illusions about the basic approach and  policies of the Congress-led government. It should act as the sentinel of the people’s interests and fight against all those measures which affect national sovereignty, harm the working people’s interests and give unjustified concessions to foreign capital.

So the task is to carry forward the struggle against the communal forces and at the same time intensify the struggle against the policies of liberalisation.  As the resolution points out: “The struggle against communalism and the economic polices are in fact connected to the anti-imperialist task, as both the hindutva forces and the liberalisers are distinguished by their pro-imperialism.”

The Party has to give the maximum importance to building its independent strength. In order to reach out to new sections and rally the economically and socially oppressed who are outside the ambit of the Party, the resolution has stressed the importance of the following key tasks:

Firstly, the numerous issues thrown up by the agrarian crisis which affect crores of people must be taken up by the Party to mobilise and launch movements. 

Secondly, the Party must concentrate on organising the basic classes and building the united struggles of the workers, peasants, agricultural workers and other toiling sections. The NPMO at the national level must be activised for this.

Thirdly, the Party must launch struggles on local issues and build sustained movements so that some partial demands can be achieved. This will help the development of the overall movement and expand the Party’s influence.

Fourthly, the Party must take up directly social issues. Here the fight for dalit rights and against caste oppression assumes importance.  The women’s struggle for equality and against oppression must be championed and taken up by the Party and not left to the women’s movement alone to take up.  The fight against social evils and for social reform must be taken up in areas such as the Hindi-speaking states to create a democratic atmosphere.

Finally, there are 8.4 crore adivasi people, who are the most exploited by feudal and capitalist forces. Fighting for their rights to land, forests and their displacement for development projects along with the protection of their languages, culture and regional autonomy has to be taken up seriously.  In the states of Central India where there is substantial tribal population, the RSS has made inroads which must be countered.

All this work has to be carried out to strengthen the CPI(M) and its mass base.

While doing so, the Party will also work to build a third alternative.  It is not in the interests of the Left and democratic forces, that two bourgeois combinations, one headed by the BJP and the other by the Congress monopolise the political space.  There is a need for a third alternative. Building such an alternative requires the left and other democratic and secular parties coming together by conducting joint movements and campaigns. A viable alternative will emerge only if there is a common policy framework at least on some major issues. Experience has shown that this cannot be just an electoral alliance.

Left unity and strengthening of the Left is essential if we are to successfully rally the other democratic forces.  It is important to underline that all these activities of the Party is to go forward to build a left and democratic alternative which alone is real alternative to the bourgeois-landlord set-up.   In the recent period, the Left has been able to show the country that it has a set of alternative policies whenever it has opposed the UPA government’s policies. Whether it be the issue of FDI in certain sectors, the electricity policy, the patents bill or public sector reforms, the Party and the Left have come out with their positions, which must be utilised to gather support for alternative policies.

The Party congress of the country’s biggest Left contingent has shown remarkable unity and confidence that it can discharge its historic responsibilities at this juncture.