People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXIX
No. 07 February 13, 2005 |
The World Social Forum Sprouts Wings
Amit Sen Gupta
AS
we walked through the venue for the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre at the
banks of the Guaiba river, on January 23, it all seemed so familiar. The WSF was
back in Porto Alegre, Brazil, where it had begun in 2001 and had gained strength
in 2002 and 2003, after the interlude in Mumbai in 2004. But Porto Alegre 2005
could well have been Mumbai 2004. The same surging crowds – over 100,000 in
number, the same cacophony of myriad voices, the same beating of drums, the same
confusion, and the same determination on the faces of people who had come to
celebrate protest and resistance. And the same determination with which people
debated in over 2000 events, spread over four days, and organised in the
sprawling venue of makeshift tents over about 4 kms of a green verge skirting
the river.
The
first message from the WSF this year was: resistance and protests that confront
imperialist globalisation today have assumed truly global proportions. Two years
ago in the WSF in 2003, the mention of India or Mumbai was likely to be greeted
with questioning looks. No more so – after the Mumbai WSF, both are firmly on
the map of the WSF. As will be Africa which shall hold the Forum in 2007, as
will be numerous other places in the globe as the WSF takes wings and flies to
different corners.
The
abiding memory that everybody who was in Porto Alegre brought back was a sense
of solidarity, the feeling that “we are not alone”. A feeling that the gross
injustice that we face across the globe is being confronted by pockets of
resistance all over the world. Pockets of resistance that are also starting to
link up, to strategise together, to form a united surge of resistance. We saw
all this happening in Mumbai, and those who were at Porto Alegre came back with
the confidence that the movement to “globalise resistance” is alive and
growing, and that “Another World” is indeed possible.
Bush
still rules at the White House, Iraq continues to be bombarded by a savage
imperial monster, the WTO continues to use trade as a weapon of mass
destruction, debt continues to cripple almost the entire continent of Africa,
neoliberal economic policies continue to kill in thousands across Asia and Latin
America. But the WSF is about shared concerns, about hope, and about belief that
the tide must turn. The WSF is also about differences – differences in what
must change, and how it must change. But it is also about a conviction that we
must join together in spite of differences.
The
differences were there for all to see. Not just in the different languages that
people spoke, in the many different ways they expressed themselves, the
different ways in which they dressed, but also in the political articulation of
the way forward. Possibly nothing captured this as well as the massive 100,000
strong opening march of the WSF on January 23. In 2003, the opening rally was
akin to a victory celebration for the then recently installed Lula government in
Brazil. Posters of Lula and flags of the PT (the Partido
dos Trabalhadores or Workers
Party which Lula represents) dominated the march in 2003 and vied for attention
with the sea of Che Guevara posters and green Palestinian scarves. In 2005 Che
still dominated the march, the Palestinian scarves were as prominent, but the
posters of Lula were few and far between. Instead there were far louder voices
questioning the policies of the Lula government, some claiming that the
government was pursuing the same neoliberal policies of the previous government.
The PT was there in force with T-shirts that had “100% Lula” stamped on
them, declaiming their support for the government. The PCDoB (the Brazilian
Communist Party) had a huge contingent that marched behind a massive truck from
where slogans were raised that underlined their critical support for the Lula
government. The CUT (the central federation of trade unions in Brazil) also had
a huge presence, with a prominent participation by large numbers of youth –
both men and women. Between this huge political mobilisation of different hues
marched those who espoused a large variety of causes – anti-war and anti-Bush
protestors, anti-WTO activists, environmentalists, for cancellation of global
debt, for a sovereign Palestinian state, a dignity rally led by the landless
peasants movement (MST) in Brazil with a large Indian participation from dalit
groups, and so many others. With them marched artists who performed dances,
skits and mimes throughout the route, some walking on ten feet high stilts. But
not just these – one could also hear a few chants of Hare Krishna from saffron
robed men and women and also a handful of saffron clad Ananda Marg activists.
The
opening march in a way depicted the diversity of the Forum, and possibly also
brought out the dilemma that the Forum may face. While all those who are at the
Forum (or most at least!) acknowledge the need to come together to face the
imperial power of globalisation led by the US, the WSF “open space”
continues to be a space that is bitterly contested at the level of ideas. The
major actors in the WSF include the Left of various shades (communists, social
democrats, fourth internationalists), religious groups (many ascribing to the
“liberation theology” positions and genuinely opposed to imperialism) and
NGOs. There are obvious differences within all these groups regarding the
characterisation of globalisation, and the tactics and overall strategic
understanding regarding it. So, while what knits the Forum together is an
opposition to neoliberal or imperialist globalisation (there are differences
among Forum participants even about the term globalisation), there is no
consensus on how it is to be opposed.
This
diversity in opinion and approach is both a strength of the Forum, as well as
its principal weakness. The Forum derives strength from this diversity as it
provides the opportunity for a very large number of movements and organisations
to come together, each feeling that their views have a place in the open space
of the Forum. At the same time the diverse trends and opinions leads, often, to
a sense of frustration that the Forum is not able to hammer together a consensus
regarding both a strategic understanding and tactics to be applied. This has led
to a tendency to attempt to “force” the Forum to take unified positions. An
example of this was the declaration of a “Porto Alegre” consensus by a few
prominent individuals this time at the WSF. While the contents of the
“consensus” suggested was fairly bland and not objectionable, what was
problematic was the fact that this went against the grain of the way the WSF as
an “open space” functions.
The
WSF was conceived as a Forum that was not designed to lead or take decisions on
behalf of movements, but rather to provide enabling conditions for movements to
come together, exchange experiences and opinions, and forge alliances. The WSF
space cannot and should not dictate to movements, nor should it force movements
to take unified positions unless they are willing to do so. But the impatience
to move forward is sometimes being translated into trying to make the WSF a body
that takes decisions and positions on behalf of movements. This is a major
challenge today for the WSF: how to accelerate the space for movements to forge
common actions and strategies, while at the same time keeping the space friendly
for everyone opposed to neoliberal globalisation to join in. Given the complex
political entitities that form part of the Forum, an attempt by any force within
(however well meaning) to hegemonise the Forum at the level of ideas, might well
sow the seeds of the Forum’s ultimate collapse.
The
challenge for the Forum, thus, is not of how certain kinds of ideas may
dominate, but to ensure that the Forum is truly representative of the upsurge of
global opinion against imperialist globalisation. Today, large mass and
political movements are handicapped in their ability to participate in the
Forum, because of lack of resources. As a result the Forum tends to be dominated
by highly funded NGOs, largely from the North. While many of such NGOs have and
are playing a major role in opposing globalisation, there is an inherent
asymmetry in the participation in the Forums. It is critically important, if the
Forum is to become truly representative of global mass movements that the WSF
process is able to draw in a much larger participation from such movements. This
is happening to an extent and the proactive manner in which mobilisation for the
Forum was done for the WSF 2004 in Mumbai – where a conscious effort was made
to ensure representation of mass and political movements – has contributed to
this. But a lot has still to be done in this regard, and if the WSF process is
to be “directed” in any manner it should be to ensure that such movements
are able to come into the process in large numbers and also that they represent
adequately all geographical regions of the globe. If the Forum becomes really
representative, then it would really be up to the movements to use the space
provided by the Forum to work out shared visions and actions. Clearly, the WSF
is not going to be the forum to take forward such actions, that is something
that the movements themselves would have to decide.
GOOD
BYE PORTO ALEGRE?
The
2005 Forum, while formulating the programme, had articulated in clearer terms
the direction provided by WSF 2004 in trying to ensure that shared concerns and
themes are not discussed in dispersed events. The attempt from the event
registration process itself was to try to ensure that events are largely
organised by combining the efforts of different organisations. This is a process
that has to be accelerated, and the methodology used in 2005 to be evaluated to
improve upon it further. The WSF 2005 had also departed from earlier practice by
not having any events directly organised by the WSF – i.e. all events at the
WSF 2005 were organised by individual participating organisations. The response
to this innovation was mixed this year, and many felt that the absence of some
large “unifying” events with broad political messages led to the diffusion
of the political sharpness that the Forum was able to provide. This is again an
issue that will have to be evaluated by the International Council of the WSF. In
fact, in the absence of such unifying events, the only two large events this
year were those addressed by President Lula of Brazil and President Chavez of
Venezuala. While these were not formally part of the WSF programme, they drew
huge crowds from WSF participants.
The
International Council decided in its meeting just before the Forum in Porto
Alegre that in 2006 there would not be a single Forum, but attempt would be to
organise dispersed Forums in different continents. In 2007 the Forum travels to
Africa, the venue for which is being discussed within the African Social Forum
process. Mumbai had shown that the WSF can be made to be a success in a setting
vastly different from Porto Alegre, and the WSF is now poised to sprout wings
and fly to different corners of the globe.
As
we prepared to leave Porto Alegre, the question on the lips of everybody who
lives in the city was: is this the last Forum in Porto Alegre? We do not know
the answer today. But everyone who has been in Porto Alegre for the Forum, this
year or in earlier years, will hope that maybe the Forum will come back again
one day to this city which embraced us all with such love and affection. Good
bye to Porto Alegre for ever? Perhaps the WSF is not ready for that yet!