People's Democracy

EDITORIAL

A THIRD FRONT?

ONCE again, a discussion concerning the revival of the “third front” is has been mooted in political circles. The Samajwadi Party and some others – constituents of the erstwhile United Front – have proposed the revival of such a front. Since the CPI(M) is widely recognised as the pioneer in working for a non-Congress, non-BJP political alternative and as the  originator of the term “third front” itself, it is necessary to clarify our response, particularly at the present political conjuncture in the country.

At the outset, it must be reiterated that the CPI(M) had advocated a third front and continues to work for a viable non-Congress, non-BJP/communal combination as a political alternative. Here, it is important to note that the CPI(M) does not visualise this third front as a mere electoral front. The 17th congress of the CPI(M), on the contrary, has concluded that such a front will have to be forged on the basis of people’s sustained struggles and movements. These movements, in turn, will have to be built around the two basic issues confronting the Indian people, which means in opposition to communalism and against the anti-people economic policies. The latter, naturally, also means taking principled anti-imperialist positions. The third front, therefore, will have to be built on the strength of such joint struggles. Also, it is such a front that will emerge as a viable, credible and sustainable electoral alternative. And it is such a third front that the CPI(M) is striving for.

Many political parties, that today advance the slogan of a third front, do so purely in electoral terms. Many constituents of the erstwhile United Front, displaying rank opportunism, abandoned the anti-communal platform to join the BJP-led NDA so as to share the spoils of power. Some, in fact, not only abandoned the secular forces but, like the Telugu Desam Party, went on to implement pro-imperialist anti-people economic policies, at the behest of the World Bank.

Apart from this, the experience of the People’s Front must also be kept in mind.  This was formed with Jyoti Basu as chairman and Mulayam Singh Yadav as convenor. However, during the last elections to the president of India, this effort was disrupted with the Samajwadi Party deciding to back the BJP/NDA candidate.  Any front that confines itself to political manoeuvring and electoral bargaining does not meet the CPI(M)’s desired objective. For the CPI(M), the third front, forged on the basis of joint people’s struggles is the instrument that, while steadfastly defending the interests of the people and country, will contribute to a progressive shift in Indian politics.

While working for such a front based on joint popular struggles on a pro-people agenda, the CPI(M) will seek allies to keep the communal forces at bay and away from control of the state power. It is with this express objective that the CPI(M)  extends outside support to the present UPA government at the centre and it is again with this express intention that the CPI(M) allies with and supports the Samajwadi Party in UP as it is the main anti-communal political force in the state. Likewise, the CPI(M) seeks to ally with regional secular parties in the states where assembly elections are in the offing, like in Bihar and Jharkhand. Needless to add, however, this will depend upon the concrete situation in the state.

Thus, given the political arithmetic of the 14th Lok Sabha, there is no other alternative at the current conjuncture in the country but to support the UPA government in order to keep the communal forces at bay. For the CPI(M), the struggle against communalism is non-negotiable.

At the same time, the CPI(M) will work for developing joint struggles with like-minded forces on the twin issues mentioned above. Past experience has shown us that as these struggles gain momentum, many forces, which hitherto were not with us, join. In 1994, it was only the CPI(M) and the Left that protested against India signing the new treaty under General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) that led to the formation of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). However, at the time of the WTO’s Doha and Cancun meetings, the Samajwadi Party, Janata Dal (Secular), Rashtriya Janata Dal and many other social movements, activist groups etc joined us in anti-WTO protests. Similar was the experience with World Social Forum movement.

Thus, the growth of popular discontent against the anti-people economic policies is bound to reflect in mightier struggles. The CPI(M) will champion this discontent through united struggles. And it is the strength of these struggles that will draw other forces into joint actions. At the same time, as the living conditions of the masses deteriorate, many political forces will feel the pressure from below, from their own social base, from their own rank and file, and will be forced to join popular protests.  It is on this basis that the third front as conceived by the CPI(M) will be forged.

Finally, it merits repetition that any talk of a “third front” as a means for political/electoral manoeuvring at the centre today, sans the objectives enumerated above, has the danger of providing scope and space for the communal forces to seek a return to the centre-stage. This is something that which all those who cherish India, as we know it today, cannot permit.