People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVIII
No. 49 December 05, 2004 |
PRESENTING
a written statement on the salient points made to the BJP national executive
committee at Ranchi on November 26, the third and final day of the session,
party president L K Advani harped on something which even the party’s critics
could not have imagined. Taking a long leap from the terrestrial to celestial,
he informed the nation that his party was nothing less than blessed by the
Almighty Himself. He said: “The BJP is really the Chosen Instrument of the
Divine to take the country out of its present problems and to lofty all-round
achievements.”
That
this was not an off-hand remark became clear when he repeated the same thing
during the question-answer session at a press conference. Replying to a query,
he said: “Divinity is not a medieval concept. Maybe, atheists do not believe
in it but God has chosen us, given us the responsibility.”
THIS
indeed brings out the BJP’s sad plight in the most glaring terms. First the
people of this country rejected the BJP in April-May this year and then the
people of Maharashtra did the same in October, which means its rejection by the
people twice in a span of only five months. It is therefore natural that the
party really has nothing to console itself with, except by invoking the God’s
name.
However,
if Advani thinks he can influence the mass mood by implying that the people
should not hesitate in lining behind the BJP as the latter has been chosen by
the God Himself, this can only be termed as the height of naivete. The people of
this country may be deeply religious but they are not naďve and can well
differentiate between religiosity and its political misuses.
As
for political misuses of religion, it was known to one and all that this was the
BJP’s stock in trade. But yet nobody must have thought that Advani would stoop
down to the level of invoking the name of God in order to gain political
legitimacy and acceptability. This all the more glaringly underscores the
desperation that has currently gripped the BJP.
And
this desperation gets accentuated by the fact that the BJP has nothing to hope
in the assembly elections in Bihar, Jharkhand and Haryana that are to go to
polls in coming February and in West Bengal, Kerala and Tamilnadu where assembly
polls would be held soon thereafter. If anything, the BJP is all set to lose its
government in Jharkhand where is has set new records in corruption,
misadministration and anti-democratic treatment to local bodies.
This
is what explains the BJP’s attempt to frighten the people of Jharkhand with a
dire situation in case the BJP loses its government in the state. While in
Ranchi, Advani indicated that the party’s campaign in the state would be to
tell the people that not to vote the BJP back to power would be to invite a
“reign of terror,” “social strife,” “criminalisation of politics”
and “unlimited corruption.” It means the BJP would claim to try save the
people of Jharkhand from the same evils which it has been fostering in the state
ever since the latter’s formation three years back!
The
holding of the BJP national executive meeting at Ranchi also underlined that the
party has a very big stake in Jharkhand, so much so that the loss of its state
government here would give it a very severe jolt.
BACK
TO THE
SAME
OLD LINE
ALL
said and done, however, the Ranchi meeting of BJP national executive only
confirmed that the party has no option but to tread the same path which the RSS
national executive meeting at Hardwar had charted out in the earlier part of the
same month. And this change in the BJP’s stance, if it is a change at all,
comes in the wake of serious frictions within the Sangh Parivar, which have made
the BJP and indeed the whole of the Parivar a butt of ridicule. The way VHP
leaders boycotted the RSS meet in protest against Advani’s presence there and
the way they joined the meet the next day when Advani was not present there,
showed to the world how the RSS, the Parivar’s all-powerful patriarch,
arm-twisted the BJP into falling in line and adopting a more strident communal
posture.
This
is what Advani lamented at Ranchi. He said he was pained that angry voices of
“impatience were articulated by organisations we regarded as fraternal. The
dissensions fostered an impression of ideological disunity.” Yet Advani and
the BJP did at Ranchi precisely what the RSS wanted them to do.
But
what is significant about the Ranchi meet of the BJP, which several commentators
have noted in unmistakable terms, is that the party did not even think it
necessary to make any serious introspection about the causes of its defeat in
the recent polls. The general tenor of virtually all media comments has been
that the BJP lost the polls not because of too little Hindutva but because of
too much Hindutva, but this is precisely the reality which the BJP and the whole
of the Sangh Parivar have refused to accept. So much so that the RSS has
rejected the BJP’s argument regarding the NDA compulsions as “frivolous.”
The thinking, apparently, is that the BJP has no hope unless it adopts a
stridently communal posture and divides the people along communal lines. It is
only in a situation of communal polarisation and by creating a fear psychosis
among the Hindu masses on cooked-up threats that the BJP can have some hope of
winning votes. In sum, the BJP is now back to the same old line of communalism
that gave it some dividend in the late 1980s and 1990s.
BUT the moot question is: Will the same gamble pay it again? This is what many BJP watchers have serious doubts about. As an eminent political commentator A G Noorani writes in the Hindustan Times (November 30): “The Hindus have done just that. They rejected parochial politics. Misled by Advani & Co in 1989-92, they voted for the BJP only to regret it. Revival of the Hindutva plank is not going to pay any longer. The souffle rises only once.”
The
BJP’s performance in the last few years provides ample indication about the
possible fate of its resurrected communal plank. The fact is that the party came
to power in 1998 not on its own and not on any positive vote. The people’s
discontent against the Rao government and then against the United Front
government was the main thing that was propelling the people to search for an
alternative, and the BJP tried to exploit this very yearning by posing itself as
a party of principles, as a party with a difference. Then the fact that the
Congress had still not realised the change in the political situation and
refused to form any coalition on the thinking that it could come to power on its
own, proved yet another factor helping the BJP. Even then the BJP could come to
power only with the help of more than a dozen regional parties, and that too
with the outside support from the TDP. It is thus clear that the BJP’s
Hindutva plank had failed to click even in 1998, and this became further evident
during the subsequent six years when the BJP (and also its allies) lost more
than 80 per cent of the assembly polls. In Uttar Pradesh, the BJP sought to
contest the February 2002 assembly polls on a communal plank, and the VHP’s
jamboree at Kumbh Mela in Allahabad even threatened to launch an agitation if
the ground for temple construction was not cleared by a particular date. But yet
the party badly lost the poll and its seat tally came down by half, from 177 in
October 1996 to 88, relegating the party to the third position.
But
if the Hindutva plank could not pay the BJP any dividends in the last few years,
there is not much chance that it will do so in near future. And this is
perfectly natural for two reasons. First, during the last six years the people
have seen the BJP in action, its real face in contradiction to its professed
claims. This was true in the context of all the burning issues facing the
country --- from economic issues to corruption, from criminalisation of politics
to foreign and defence policies. Secondly, the people of this country are
secular to the core and do not want that their social life should be marred by
communal strife. That is why, temporary aberrations apart, the people have
refused to be swayed by communal appeals and the BJP’s plank is not likely to
fetch it any dividends in the coming days either, provided the actions of our
rulers do not create what has often been called the anti-incumbency factor.
SLOGANS FAIL TO
CLICK ONE BY ONE
THIS
mode of thinking of the mass of our people also explains why the BJP’s slogans
are failing to click one by one. The BJP sought to create a communal inferno in
Hubli (Karnataka) on the Idgah Maidan issue and the people refused to listen to
it. Ms Uma Bharti started on a so-called Tiranga Yatra and there was no one to
lament its miserable failure. The party sought to exploit the Savarkar
controversy and failed. The move to incite base passions on the issue of Afzal
Khan’s grave ended in a fiasco. The skeletons that are tumbling out one by one
from Narendra Modi’s cupboard in Gujarat are only adding to the party’s
embarrassment.
It
is in such a hopeless situation that, hoping against hope, Advani sought to
impress upon his national executive the importance of the Ayodhya issue for the
party and vowed to fight for what he called the “Hindu ethos.” He charged
the Congress, the communists and other “anti-Hindu” forces with “erasing
the Hindu ethos and obfuscating the Hindu identity of our culture and
civilisation” and with having “jolted Hindu society.” At Ranchi, he also
reiterated the bogus argument that only his party is genuinely secular while
others are pseudo-secular, adding that “India is secular principally because
of its Hindu ethos.” He also said that in “the general climate of
pseudo-secularism in our country, maligning of the Hindu faith” has become the
“sole criterion of one’s commitment to secularism.”
Here
we won’t go into any detailed analysis of these baseless charges; in the past
we have rebutted them on several occasions and would definitely get more chances
to rebut them in future. In order to provide a glimpse of the perverted logic of
Advani & Co, here we only ask a few questions: Who maligned the Hindu faith
when a crowd of Bajrang Dal goons burnt alive a priest and his minor sons? Who
erased the Hindu ethos when, with open support and protection from the BJP
government, communal goons killed more than two thousand innocent Muslims in
Gujarat? And yet the BJP president has the temerity to say that it is anti-BJP
forces who are trying to malign the Hindu faith!
Be
that as it may, it was in such an atmosphere of popular revulsion against the
RSS-BJP brand of politics that the arrest of Swami Jayendra Saraswathi, the
Sankaracharya of Kanchi Kamakoti Peetham, on a murder charge gave the BJP a
chance to rejoice. And the party, naturally, clutched upon the issue just like a
drowning man clutches upon a straw in order to somehow save himself. Yet,
blissfully ignorant of the currents and undercurrents of the mass mood, Advani
boasted at Ranchi that this arrest was a means “through which, as in the Ram
Janmabhoomi issue, we will powerfully counter our ideological and political
adversaries.” The VHP and other Sangh Parivar outfits also called for a Bharat
Bandh on November 22. But what they realised to their utter dismay was that on
the day national life went on as usual. At New Delhi, where Vajpayee sat on a
dharna in protest against the arrest, he did not have more than 200 souls with
him --- a number that is not befitting even for a local level outfit, what to
talk of a national party!
As
The Hindu editorial on November 29 put
it aptly, “But is the campaign against the Sankaracharya’s arrest the 2004
equivalent of the Ram temple movement? Nobody seriously believes it is so
because the BJP’s actions have met with only lukewarm approval whether from
the devotees of the Math or from the public at large. Even the Sankaracharya’s
counsel, Ram Jethmalani, has attacked the party for wanting to make political
capital out of the Kanchi Acharya’s travails.” One can only hope that, as
more and more revelations come out in regard to the Kanchi case, they would
further take the wind out of the BJP’s sail.
It
is thus no wonder that a distraught Advani also abused the Dravidian parties, i
e the AIADMK and DMK, by saying that they were pursuing “the politics of
vendetta, confrontation, one-upmanship and social divisiveness.” One will
recall that it is the same parties with which the BJP had itself aligned at one
point of time or another.
FRUSTRATION
THE
frustration of the BJP president has reached such a level that after the first
day’s session of his national executive he accused the Congress and the
communists of not allowing the NDA government to take many steps. The charge is
ridiculous, to say the least. Here is a party whose government did not have a
majority in Rajya Sabha and yet it pushed through the draconian POTA by calling
a joint session of the two houses. Who, then, is going to believe that the
Congress and the communists prevented the NDA government from taking pro-people
steps?
The
situation is thus grave, rather perilous, for the BJP. While isolated from the
people at large, the party has, in the first place, simply refused to make any
introspection or retrospection as to why the people have rejected it at all.
This is what prompted a veteran journalist like M K Dhar to write in an article
for the news agency NPA: “It goes without saying that the BJP will be
marginalised in Indian politics if it pursues a purely communal agenda. That was
the lesson of the last Lok Sabha elections, which the party’s leadership
refuses to learn. Jehadi culture is out of fashion in all religions and has no
permanent place in a secular democracy.” This aptly sums up the predicament in
which the BJP currently finds itself.
This is not to deny the threats the resurrected Hindutva platform poses to our national unity and communal harmony, to our civilised existence and composite culture. But the situation is certainly conducive for the Left, secular and democratic forces who have to unite and effectively meet the new challenge by mobilising the people on the question of secularism and national unity.