People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVIII
No. 48 November 28, 2004 |
Nalini
Taneja
FOR
those on the left, brought up on a staple diet of anti-imperialism and the
spirit of internationalism, nothing could be more painful about the preceeding
years than the war in Afghanistan followed by the slaughter of thousands in
Iraq. And, what is more, the very successful justifications of these inhuman
acts, achieved through a gigantic corporate owned media set up.
While
we analyse the underlying links between liberalising policies in the economic
sphere and a right wing polity in our part of the world, it is important to note
that similar connections exist between the aggressive theories of a
‘civilisational divide’ that the US government under Bush has been acting
upon and US business interests.
Somehow
people in the western world have been led to believe that ‘ethnic conflicts’
are intrinsic to the non-western world, and that it is this propensity towards
religious and identity politics on the part of the peoples and governments of
the non-western world, which is in the first place responsible for the
civilisational divide, and which is also responsible for the spiralling violence
on a world scale. The presence of Islamic terrorist groups across the world and
the destruction of the World Trade Centre on 19/11 have somehow made this theory
credible for most people, even in the third world where a whole body of
intellectuals has gone over to the identity mode of analysis.
Such
analyses that prioritise identity in non-western societies, and theories of a
fundamental civilisational divide, both have their origin in the imperialist
ideological war of propaganda in general, and US control over
knowledge-production in particular, and are, to put it crudely, simply
reflective of their business interests. This barrage of propaganda is aimed at
anti-imperialist movements and against the enthusiasm for socialism which has
survived the collapse of the Soviet Union.
CIVILISATIONAL TASK
Let
us remember that when the US government was busy
throwing out the Soviets from Afghanistan we did not hear much about this
civilisational divide or of Islamic terrorism. As US troops were creating and
collaborating with the Taliban in Afghanistan the epitome of evil was the Soviet
Union and the ‘Red monster’ and US’s civilisational task was getting rid
of socialism. US institutions, including universities, were busy churning out
justifications for its actions, emerging out of ‘scholarly’ research, in
much the same way as our own Hindutva ideologues have discovered historical
‘evidence’ for the Ram Mandir and for Indus civilisation being Aryan and
Hindu in content.
One
scholar has pointed out how “readers browsing through book bazaars in
Rawalpindi and Peshawar can, even today, find textbooks written as part of the
series underwritten by a USAID $50 million grant to the University of Nebraska
in the 1980s. These textbooks sought to counterbalance Marxism through creating
enthusiasm in Islamic militancy. They exhorted Afghan children to “pluck out
the eyes of the Soviet enemy and cut off his legs”. Years after the books were
first printed they were approved by the Taliban for use in madrassas - a stamp
of their ideological correctness” (Pervez Hoodbhoy, Is it a War on Islam?).
With
no ‘super power’ for the third world to turn to, the US now not only acts
with impunity against third world people, it has built a whole new ideological
armoury as much, if not more, sectarian and fundamentalist than RSS or any
Taliban. The world is today
shown as divided between Islam and “us”, us being the ‘civilised’ world
led by the US. Those resisting its designs in Iraq get called Untermenschen,
a term that Hitler used in Mein Kampf to describe Jews, Romanies and
Slavs as sub-humans (John Pilger, New
Statesman). They have even invented a Osama bin Laden type figure to ensure
that the 9/11 related hysteria does not lose its potency: there is in fact no
evidence for such claims.
In
a letter sent on October 14 to Kofi Annan, the Fallujah Shura Council, which
administers the city, has categorically stated: “In Fallujah, [the
Americans] have created a new vague target: al-Zarqawi. Almost a year has
elapsed since they created this new pretext and whenever they destroy houses,
mosques, restaurants, and kill children and women, they said: ‘We have
launched a successful operation against al-Zarqawi.’ The people of Fallujah
assure you that this person, if he exists, is not in Fallujah . . . and we have
no links to any groups supporting such inhuman behaviour. We appeal to you to
urge the UN [to prevent] the new massacre which the Americans and the puppet
government are planning to start soon in Fallujah, as well as many parts of the
country.” While this letter is doing the rounds on the internet and in
Arab media, not a word of this was reported in the mainstream media in Britain
and the US.
ANGLO-AMERICAN IMPERIALISM
Similarly,
the Lancet, a scientific journal, has
estimated that 100,000 Iraqis have died as a result of the Anglo-American
invasion; and that eighty-four per cent of these deaths have resulted directly
from American and British actions. Out of these 95 per cent were killed by air
attacks and artillery fire, and most of those killed were women and children
(October 29, 2004). This heart
rending report was ignored, as if it did not exist, by the Observer, the Telegraph,
the Sunday Telegraph, the Financial
Times, the Star, the Sun and many others. The BBC framed the report in terms of the
government’s “doubts” and Channel 4 News delivered a hatchet job, based on
a Downing Street briefing (John Pilger).
The
earlier war against Afghanistan resulted in thousands of deaths as well, and
Afghans have gained nothing from it – no peace. No democracy, no freedom, no
escape from religious fundamentalism. One set of warlords has been replaced by
another set, and Afghanistan is already out of news channels because the US has
no interest in saying anything on it for the present.
Too
busy with Iraq, the civilized world has done nothing about large scale
recruitment of children as soldiers in Africa in the many conflicts engendered
as much by the impact of globalisation as ethnicity. In Sudan it is all about
oil as well and US wants entry for troops under UN sanction, although the US
think tanks continue to tell us it is conflict between the Muslim and Christian
tribes.
Through
out the 1990s, “whole societies were laid out for autopsy and identified as
“failed states” and “rogue states”, requiring “humanitarian
intervention”.” And words like democracy, freedom, independence, and reform
were emptied of their meaning and taken into the service of the World Bank, the
IMF and that amorphous thing called “The West” - in other words, imperialism
(Pilger- Power, Propaganda
and Conscience in the War on Terror), while Imperialism simply
disappeared from discussion in academics (Prabhat Patnaik-Whatever Happened
to Imperialism?).
Research
funding has always followed imperial interests of the US informal empire, from
as long as the US emerged as the number one capitalist power leaving behind the
European countries, particularly Britain. Jackie Assayag and Veronique Benei,
for example, have analysed and given details of how political concerns and
perspectives of Britain and the US have shaped South Asian Studies, in terms of
funding, setting up of institutions and appointment of teachers, and creation of
research projects, and in terms of particular emphases in social science
disciplines and area studies at particular points of time (Re-mapping Knowledge: the
Making of South Asian Studies in India, Europe and America, 19th and 20th
Centuries). An increasing number of the South Asian scholars receiving
fellowships in the US today are those researching identity politics and ethnic
conflicts in their respective regions.
SUBALTERN STUDIES
On
the other hand, the fashion of post modernism and the receptivity of the US
academic establishment to anti-left ‘subaltern studies’ has more to do with
the US priorities of the politics of ‘cultural difference’ and identity, and
the pragmatic interest in ethnic conflicts in the non western world than any
concern for the subaltern or respect for pluralism. The trajectory from the
Orientalism of the older kind, through area studies, to post-modernism has well
served Imperialist ideological perspectives as well as politics through down
grading anti imperialism and socialism.
Research
on Central Asia has been a priority for US academic funding agencies since the
Gorbachov years: the entire area is a market and has potential for control over
enormous oil reserves. And the Zioinist lobby has not only had its clout in
government circles and US official agencies, it has seen to it that research on
the Middle- east remains funded well, and that its direction remains in its
favour. If there are so many citizens in the US, or the world over for that
matter, who support the Palestine cause, or recognize the validity of socialist
Cuba, or do not see China today as another evil empire, it is not because of,
but despite, the US academic establishment.
WAR
AGAINST TERRORISM
Finally,
the ‘holy war’ against ‘terrorism’ --- Bush has proclaimed himself as
chosen by God and guided by the values of Christianity, which he fore grounded
in his recent election campaign --- have brought huge profits for the US. It is
estimated that “the post-9/11 “extra” profits to the US War Economy (i.e.
to the directors, shareholders and employees of the US military-industrial
complex) total some US$400 billion - the sum of extra US military budget funding
of 250 billion dollar since 9/11 and additional funding for the Afghanistan and
Iraq Wars of about 150 billion dollar. The current annual US military budget of
400 billion dollar is half that of the World (800 billion dollar), noting that
US arms sales contribute significantly to non-US global military expenditure.
Accordingly, the “extra” funding of the US industrial -military complex
since 9/11 may be of the order of 500 billion dollar (Gideon Polya-
US Profits from Jihadist
Terrorism). Imperialism in
the age of globalisation has a stake in war and
in Jihadi terrorism.