People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVII
No. 34 August 24, 2003 |
HUMAN
DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2003
Pushing
Neo-Liberal Agenda
EVER
since the first Human Development Report (HDR) was launched in 1990, its signal
contribution has been that it created enough pressure on the governments of less
developed countries to pursue human development goals seriously. As an off-shoot
of this development human development issues became central to intellectual
discourse. In the past, HDR discretely avoided pushing right wing ideology of
liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation.
The
Human Development Report 2003 (HDR 2003) however makes a clear departure from
the approach of the earlier Reports as it makes a guarded attempt to push
neo-liberal agenda behind its apparent concern for human development.
The
UN Millennium Declaration in 2000 provides the framework for HDR 2003. The
Report lists 8 Millennium Development goals and 18 targets. The Millennium
Development Compact presented in the Report provides a policy approach to
achieving the Millennium development goals and targets.
In
the list of Goals, eradication of extreme poverty and hunger figure as the first
Goal. One may infer from this that the Report considers eradication of extreme
poverty and hunger as the core issue. Along with poverty and hunger eradication
six other goals related to different aspects of human development are listed.
This may be taken as the HDR’s usual concern for human development. The last
goal camouflaged as a development goal is essentially an attempt to push
neo-liberal agenda. Innocuously worded it states, “Develop a global
partnership for development.” Apparently there seems to the nothing wrong with
this goal. But what this goal actually implies is creating an open, liberal,
non-discriminating trading and financial system. If the world moves in this
direction and if the less developed countries are made to pursue this goal under
pressure, they will become far more vulnerable to imperialist exploitation of
the developed countries.
According
to HDR 2003, in the 1980s and much of the 1990s development efforts by
international financial institutions and some developed countries were guided by
the belief that market forces would lift all poor countries onto a path of self
sustaining economic growth. “Globalisation was seen as the great new motor of
economic progress.” Poor countries were expected to achieve economic growth as
long as they pursued good governance, based on “precepts of macroeconomic
stability, liberalisation of markets and privatisation of economic activity,”
HDR 2003 admits that this optimistic vision could not be fulfilled and now
hundreds of millions of poor people are thoroughly disillusioned with this
approach. The Report nonetheless asserts this vision “has considerable merit
for much of the world.” On globalisation the latest HDR’s position is
questionable.
HDR
2003 says that “Despite protests against globalisation in recent years, world
market forces have contributed to economic growth and poverty reduction--in
China, India and dozens of other developing countries. Billions of people are
enjoying higher living standards and longer lives as a result of global market
forces and national policies that help harness those forces.” These
observations are complete distortion of the reality. At least in India growth
rate has been extremely modest during the globalisation phase and the claims
that poverty has declined is travesty of truth. Attributing spectacular growth
in China to globalisation is also incorrect.
HDR
2003 is however entirely oblivious to economic reversals in various countries
due to globalisation. But it squarely blames poor governance rather than
neo-liberal policies for the setbacks on the growth front. Undoubtedly in
several less developed countries governance is not satisfactory but it does not
fully explain the failure of these countries in registering high rate of growth
and eradicating poverty and hunger.
Over
the years less developed countries have been forced to open up to imported
products that competed with those produced by their industries. Since indigenous
industries were vulnerable to competition from much stronger counterpart
industries in developed countries, this forced liberalisation had disastrous
consequences. Jobs have systematically been destroyed in developing countries
and the poor farmers have been pushed to brink of disaster as their products
fail to compete with the highly subsidised goods from Europe and America.
Moreover, the IMF’s insistence in developing countries reducing fiscal deficit
has led to severe contraction in developmental public expenditure that would
make job creation impossible even in the best of circumstances. Liberalisation
has thus been followed by increased misery rather than growth and eradication of
poverty and hunger.
Provision
of primary education, basic health care, water and sanitation figure high in
human development. HDR 2003 acknowledges market failure in respect of these
social services as they are public goods. The Report states that the market
prices of these social services alone do not capture their intrinsic values and
social benefit. Therefore private provider of these services guided entirely by
these prices would inadequately provide for them. Public financing in all these
cases will take into account the social benefits rather then the private
benefits reflected in the market prices. Thus the provision made by the public
agencies in respect of these services will be far more efficient. Moreover,
public financing ensures that basic social services are available equitably.
Interestingly
HDR 2003 concedes all the reasons why public financing of the basic social
services is necessary. Yet it attempts to give legitimacy to private finance in
this sector. The Report asserts that too often public provision of social
services is not the best solution when institutions are weak and accountability
for the use of public resources is low. It also states the reasons why the role
of the private sector has been growing over the years in education, health,
water supply and hospital services. The factors cited for the growing role of
the private sector are: lack of government resources, low quality public
provision and pressure to liberalise the economy.
Indeed
many governments of poor countries are strapped for cash and thus cannot provide
social services effectively. This situation has arisen because these countries
have been pressurised to give tax relief to the rich on the one hand and reduce
fiscal deficit on the other. In attempting to pursue the neo-liberal fiscal
reforms the less developed countries have reduced their expenditure on public
services. The latest HDR’s inability to highlight this factor and its discreet
silence on the role of the IMF and other international financial institutions in
forcing implementation of neo-liberal policies on the poor countries as a result
of which governments of many of these countries have been left with no resources
to provide basic social services to the underprivileged sections of the society,
clearly shows its reluctance to disapprove of the high handed approach of the
international financial institutions. On the contrary, HDR is critical of the
governments which fail to levy high tariffs to recoup costs. Nowhere it suggests
that the tax-GDP ratio is to the raised to improve revenue mobilisation for
meeting costs of the basic social services.
Poor
quality public provision of social services does provide scope for private
provision. The private providers of social services adequately meet the
requirements of the rich and also generate profits for themselves. The poor
people obviously cannot afford to use services offered by the private provider.
Therefore, failure of the state in arranging good quality social services needs
corrective measures. Private provision though highly eulogised by those who have
developed much fancy for the neo-liberal policies does not dismiss the case for
public provision of these services.
HDR
2003 points out that the third factor that pushed private provision of social
services is the pressure created by the donor countries on less developed
countries for pursuing neo-liberal policies. The WTO’s General Agreement on
Trade in Services also encourages private entry in social services.
The
basic approach of HDR 2003 is thus clear. It does not consider neo-liberal
ideology as the core issue. At the same time it does not conceal its approval of
these policies. This basic policy issue apart, HDR 2003 forcefully presents
eradication of extreme poverty and hunger as the core issue and makes an attempt
to make it central to development effort.
Lately
the efforts of the international financial institutions and developed countries
have been to make poor people invisible. This has already happened in developed
countries where their number is small. Usually unorganised and scattered they do
not operate even as a pressure group. Therefore, no longer at the policy making
level, their interests are taken into account. In fact, for the decision makers
they simply do not exist. In less developed countries, number of poor people
being large, they are still very much visible and until the recent ascendancy of
neo-liberal ideology, their interests could not be simply wished away at the
decision making level in many countries. But lately with the onslaught of
neo-liberal ideology, interests of the poor people are completely ignored and
persistent attempts are being made be make the poor people invisible by
falsifying the data in respect of incidence of poverty.
In
country after country, right wing repressive regimes are implementing
neo-liberal policies overlooking their disastrous consequences for the poor.
Poor people are definitely a source of embarrassment to the rulers in both
developed and less developed countries. But much more they are a potential
threat to the system which has ensured all goodies to the rich, while common
people, particularly the agricultural labour and urban proletariat, are steeped
in dire poverty. In such a situation, attempt of HDR 2003 to project elimination
of extreme poverty and hunger as a core issue is laudable.
Another
important merit of HDR 2003 is its unequivocal rejection of resurrected trickle
down approach. This approach was discredited during the 1960s and 1970s. Even
now mythical trickle down does not inspire anybody’s confidence, yet the
proponents of neo-liberal policy keep on repeating untiringly the falsehood that
economic growth by itself is sufficient because its benefits will ultimately
reach everyone in the society. HDR 2003 though underlines the importance of
sustained economic growth for realising the goal of poverty eradication, it does
not consider it sufficient for the purpose. Referring to ruthless growth ‘a
concept used in earlier HDRs it argues that the possibility of economic growth
bypassing the poor cannot be ruled out. HDR 2003 further emphasises that without
substantial improvement in education and health economic growth cannot be
sustained. The right wing regimes including one in India can benefit a lot in
policy making if they decide to take this observation of the latest HDR
seriously. More on the positive side one finds HDR 2003 recommending labour
intensive manufacturing, more equitable land distribution, effective public
distribution system and mobilising grass-root support for development. In
support of its suggestion that involvement of people in development process is
to be encouraged, it refers to many cases of which it finds that the record of
West Bengal has been good in terms of participation’ representation and
responsiveness. The impact of this grass-root level mobilisation has also been
good, as it has resulted in improved growth, equity and human development. In
contrast, Karnataka has failed in registering pro-poor growth because poor
people participation was less effective.
These positive observation made in the latest HDR however must not create any doubts about its basic approach. The Report though does not advocate market fundamentalism in an undisguised form, it nonetheless pushes neo-liberal agenda while showing great concern for the well being of the underprivileged.