People's Democracy

(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)


Vol. XXVII

No. 32

August 10, 2003

CPC Apprises CPI(M) Team Of Vajpayee Visit

  Sitaram Yechury

 

As reported earlier, a three-member CPI(M) delegation headed by Sitaram Yechury (member, Polit Bureau), Hari Singh Kang and Mohd Yusuf Tarigami (Central Committee members) visited China at the invitation of the international department of the Central Committee of Communist Party of China from July 22 to 30. 

 

Apart from high level discussions in the Chinese capital, Beijing, the delegation visited the Tibet autonomous region as well. This is the first high-level political delegation from India in a long time to visit Tibet. The report on the visit to Tibet will be published in subsequent issues. In this issue, we are publishing the report on the political discussions held by the delegation with the CPC leadership.

 

THIS CPI(M) delegation was the first political delegation from India to visit China to discuss issues of bilateral interests for improving the relations between the two countries, following the Indian prime minister Vajpayee’s visit. Naturally, the outcome of the prime minister’s visit and the potential for future good-neighbourly relations and closer cooperation between the two Asian giants dominated the discussions. 

 

The CPC has a close fraternal relationship with the CPI(M) for the last two decades. Readers will recollect that relations between the CPC and the CPI(M) were re-established in 1983. On many international issues, the CPC and the CPI(M) have a close common understanding. The CPC felt that the CPI(M) had consistently taken positions for improving Sino-Indian relations. Given such a commonality on many issues and a tradition of fraternal relations, the CPI(M) delegation was warmly received in China.

 

The highlight of the visit was the meeting of the delegation at the Great Hall of People with Comrade Wu Guanzheng, standing committee member of the Political Bureau of CPC Central Committee and secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. Apart from this, the delegation was met by Comrade Wang Jiarui (minister, international department, CPC Central Committee), Comrade Cai Wu (vice-minister, international department, CPC Central Committee) and other leaders.

 

PRIME MINISTER’S VISIT TO CHINA

 

The CPC considers this as a very significant visit that has important implications for Sino-Indian relations in future. They said the visit has many achievements. Vajpayee had important meetings with CPC general secretary Hu Jintao, Jiang Zemin, the prime minister, the chairman and the deputy chairman of the People’s Consultative Council. In these meetings, the CPC stressed the need for strengthening bilateral relations. According to them, Vajpayee displayed a positive attitude and agreed to carry forward the 1996 joint declaration, made when Jiang Zemin visited India.

 

The outcome was the joint declaration, 2003, which the CPC considers to be an extremely significant document. They have used the term “landmark” and consider that the agreement ushers into a new phase in Sino-Indian relations. The declaration, according to them, not only reviews the close ties between the two countries over the last two millennia but, more specifically, the relations during the last 50 years. The declaration contains a positive assessment of the current situation and concrete plan for future cooperation in large areas, including military cooperation. Stressing good-neighbourly relations, the declaration seeks to improve bilateral as well as regional cooperation. Significantly, they said this declaration would contribute to building a multipolar world and, importantly, help the developing countries in meeting the challenges of globalisation. 

 

WIDE-RANGING AGREEMENTS

 

Ten agreements of wide-ranging content were signed during the Vajpayee’s visit. Regarding the border dispute, the CPC informed us that it was agreed to resolve it in a “friendly and equal basis.” The Indian position regarding Tibet was hailed, particularly the commitment given by Vajpayee that Tibetan refugees in India will not participate in political activities. The memorandum on opening border trade identifies the mountain Nathula pass in Sikkim as the border.

 

They informed us that the CPC and the Chinese government put forward a five-point proposal for future improvement of relations:

 

1) More exchange of delegations at all levels --- government, parliament, political parties, local governments, and people to people.

 

2) Expansion of economic cooperation with a target of reaching 10 billion dollars in trade by 2005.

 

3) Expansion of cooperation in the spheres of health, culture, education and science and technology. Establishment of cultural centres in both capitals, to begin with.

 

4) Increased coordination on the world stage to promote democratisation and multipolarisation of international relations.

 

5) Strengthening bilateral relations and preventing history from interfering in present and future.

 

They said that they had agreed to clarify the line of actual control. The designation of specific individual officers from both sides --- Brajesh Mishra and Dai Bingua --- is significant for carrying forward the relations. They informed that talks between both the military and the naval authorities would follow soon.

 

During Rajiv Gandhi’s visit in 1988, they informed us that Deng Xiaoping had told him that closer cooperation between India and China is central to make the 21st century a century of Asia. Without the growth of both these giants, there can be no importance of Asia in the world. Therefore, they said, the CPC never regards a strong India as a threat; similarly, a strong China can be no threat to India. They, therefore, envisage a constructive partnership on a long-term basis, based on Panchsheel, whose forthcoming 50th anniversary must be jointly observed by both the countries. 

 

The Chinese consider this visit has opened a new chapter in bilateral relations between the two countries. The CPI(M), they felt, has made a major contribution in the development of better bilateral relations. In fact, they say the present stand of the government of India is only a vindication of the CPI(M)’s consistent position since the Sino-Indian conflict of 1962 --- that disputes between the two countries can be resolved only through negotiations and not conflict. Further, in the meantime, the improvement of bilateral relations in other areas must proceed.

 

This, in essence, was the briefing by the Chinese comrades. All this appears to augur very well for the future of Sino-Indian relations. The CPI(M) will contribute as much as possible to accelerating the process which is in the interests of both the countries and their people.

 

THE PROPER PERSPECTIVE

 

However, it is necessary, for us in India, to also consider the fact that the Vajpayee government, which has adopted a positive attitude towards improving relations with China, at the same time also displays no hesitation in wearing up its sleeve a pro-US foreign policy orientation. This government has, without hesitation, tried to cozy up to the USA in the latter’s policy of containment of China. This has, on more than one occasion, been used by this government to further its strategic ally status with the USA. Further, the Vajpayee cabinet has many members who openly support the so-called “liberation” of Tibet from China. In such circumstances, the reasons for such an attitude displayed by the Vajpayee government towards improvement of relations with China must be properly understood. There are at at least three major factors, we feel, that must be noted.

 

1) There is a pressure from the Indian ruling classes, particularly big business, for improved economic relations with China. This is despite the fact that, occasionally, the Indian big business loudly complains about the invasion of cheap Chinese products into our economy. Given the world economic slowdown and continuing recessionary trends in advanced capitalist economies for the last three years, the Indian big business feels that increased economic cooperation with China would be beneficial for their efforts of profit maximisation. Joint ventures and joint investments would help the Indian big business to exploit the vast Chinese market; likewise the comparatively more advanced Chinaise technology transfers would help them compete better with the MNCs in the Indian market. This hope by the Indian big business is one of the compulsions for improving relations with China. 

 

2) The Vajpayee government has shown itself to be the most servile government, as far as its pro-USA positions are concerned. Given the character of the Indian ruling classes, it would seek to utilise and improve relations with China for greater manoeuverability in the international situation and for better bargaining with the USA. Given the fact that, despite all its efforts, the Vajpayee government could not succeed in making the USA dilute its strategic relationship with Pakistan, such bargaining, it feels, may help in gaining greater leverage with the USA. This can be understood with the help of the CPI(M)’s characterisation of the Indian big bourgeoisie --- that it employs the tactics of pressure, bargain and compromise vis-ŕ-vis imperialism. 

 

3) Given the present international situation, any effort by India to play an important role in international relations, particularly in seeking a permanent member status in the UN Security Council, would require China’s support.  This requires an improvement of Sino-Indian relations. 

 

Notwithstanding these compulsions of the Indian ruling classes, the fact remains that the Vajpayee visit has set in motion certain dynamics that have great potential for improving good-neighbourly relations. This is in the interest of both the countries and both the peoples. It is necessary to carry forward much of this initiative and guard against such forces who would like to see that this process is aborted. This government has reacted, in a measured and matured way, to the recent controversy on the transgression of the line of actual control near Arunachal Pradesh. Such issues on which there is conflicting opinion on both sides can only be resolved through bilateral negotiations. Apart from this, the gains from this visit will have to be consolidated by strengthening the people to people contacts and the promotion of the flow of tourists from both sides.