People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVII
No. 22 June 01, 2003 |
Prakash Karat
THE
Vajpayee government is considering the US administration’s request to send
Indian troops to Iraq. The troops would serve as a police cum pacification force
under the US occupation. When reports first came in about such a move, the
ministry of external affairs denied there was such a request and stated that
troops could be sent only under United Nations auspices. The Indian army
followed up with its own denial, stating that it had prepared a contingency plan
for sending troops for United Nations-led peacekeeping missions “as a matter
of routine.”
However,
these denials have not ended the matter. There is enough credible evidence that
the US has asked India to send a division strong force, as part of a contingent
of troops from different countries, that would be willing to work under the US
military command.
PROSTRATING
According
a report in The Indian Express, the deputy chief of US mission and the
military attaché in the US embassy in New Delhi have met Indian army
authorities on May 6, to discuss the sending of an contingent as part of a
“stabilisation force.” Such a meeting could not have taken place without
authorisation from the highest political level.
Brajesh
Mishra, the principal secretary to the prime minister and the national security
advisor, has more or less confirmed that India has received such a request.
After returning from a visit to Washington, while speaking at a book release
function in New Delhi, Mishra stated that the US “well understood” India’s
reservations about sending troops without a UN arrangement. He stated that it
had done no damage to relations with the US. The fact is that both during
Armitage’s visit to Delhi and Mishra’s trip to Washington, the issue was
discussed. The United States wants India to send troops to Iraq to do its dirty
work for it. This is the least expected from the Vajpayee government that has
proclaimed itself as a loyal ally of the US, as much as Pakistan is today.
The
BJP-led government was waiting for the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution
that would give the US occupation some form of legitimacy. This would pave the
way for the government of India to claim that sending troops has UN sanction.
But the resolution adopted by the Security Council on May 22, does not lend
itself to any interpretation that a UN peacekeeping force will be put in place.
The resolution recognises the US and Britain as the occupying authorities. Iraq
will be under the control of the US armed forces, not under a United Nations
force. There is no mandate for a UN peacekeeping force. Further, the UN has
accorded this role to the US-British forces for a period of 12 months, after
which the matter will be taken up for consideration again in the Security
Council. The UN’s special representative for Iraq has an advisory role only;
real authority vests with the American civilian administrator.
If
India sends troops, they will be part of a multinational force under US command.
The commander of the US Central Command will be in overall command of such a
force.
IMPLICATIONS
OF
What
are the implications of such an Indian force in Iraq? It is well known that
after the ouster of the Saddam Hussein government and the US military occupation
of Iraq, the country is in a state of chaos and lawlessness. The Americans had
not anticipated such a situation. There has been widespread looting and
destruction going on for weeks. Attacks on US soldiers, and also the cases of
American troops firing on civilians, have become a common feature. In Fallujah
town alone, in two incidents of firing in the space of two days, 15 people were
shot dead by US soldiers.
The
mess that has been created by the military occupation has upset the plans of the
Bush administration. It had announced in April that Iraqi groups would be
allowed to form a national assembly and an interim government by the end of May.
In an abrupt about-turn, the new American administrator Paul Bremer informed the
Iraqi clients that the interim administration headed by the Americans would
continue for an indefinite period. This is an admission of failure. No viable
“Iraqi” administration is possible with the bunch of Iraqi leaders who have
returned from exile, and no cohesive team has emerged from the motley crowd
gathered by the Americans. With basic facilities like electricity and water not
yet restored, there is still no semblance of an administration working.
It
is at such a juncture, with the administration very much in the hands of the
Americans, that Indian troops, if sent, will be expected to perform the job of a
“policing force.”
Now
that the military invasion and occupation of Iraq has been accomplished, the
Americans want others to share the burden of pacification of the recalcitrant
population. The toll taken of lives of American soldiers in the form of sniper
attacks and ambushes has to be curtailed. Help is sought from
countries such as India, Pakistan and Philippines and from its new found
East European friends such as Poland and Hungary. The fact that India has
figured in the list is itself indicative of the new status to which the Vajpayee
government has subordinated the country. Sending a contingent under the present
circumstances would mean Indian soldiers would have to put down protests against
the American occupation. The suppression of the Iraqi people, who are turning
increasingly hostile to the occupation, will be part of the job. Not only that,
the US has drawn up plans to use Iraq’s oil wealth for “reconstruction”
work the profits of which will be pocketed by the American corporations. The UN
resolution calls for phasing out the food-for-oil programme within six months
and the lifting of sanctions. This will facilitate the US use of the Iraqi oil
revenue. Already a former Shell executive has been appointed advisor to the
Iraqi oil ministry.
The
Indian troops will have to be paid for their sojourn in Iraq. This will not be
done out of UN funds. The payment will be made by the Americans. For the first
time, thus, our soldiers would act as a paid mercenary force --- for the
Americans. This is something totally unacceptable to most Indians. That the
government can even contemplate such a mission reveals how far down the road the
BJP has traveled in its eagerness to win the US approbation. For the past five
years steadily, the Vajpayee government has entangled India into a strategic
relationship with the US, which is unequal and to the advantage of the
Americans.
In
a recent article, the outgoing US ambassador to India, Robert Blackwill, boasted
about the great strides in Indo-US military ties. Writing in The
Hindu (May 13, 2003), he expressed
satisfaction at the all-round progress in military cooperation. US special
operation forces, the same that have been in use in Afghanistan and Iraq,
recently were in the Jungle Training School of the Indian army in Mizoram for
joint exercises with Indian forces. More joint exercises of the naval forces are
in the offing. From October 2002 onward, India can import US arms equipment up
to the value of 14 million dollars per item without Congressional notification.
This, according to Blackwill, puts India in the “same category with American
Treaty Allies such as South Korea and Japan.”
More
significantly, the Indian army will also host the 2004 Pacific Armies Management
Seminar, an annual meeting of senior army leaderships of the Pacific region. The
Indian armed forces seem to be categorised with the Filipino and Indonesian
armed forces --- traditional allies of the Pentagon. India is thus being
integrated into the global military strategy of the US with the blessings of
Vajpayee and George Fernandes. It is this nexus that requires sending troops in
the service of the US occupation of Iraq.
GREAT
The
BJP-led government has taken to this path under a great illusion. While the
Pacific command of the US armed forces deals with India, the Central Command
deals with Pakistan. The website of this command recently gave out details of
how closely Pakistan collaborated in the military operations in Afghanistan. In
2002, the US provided a special 73 million dollars package for “improving
security" along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Under the Foreign Military
Financing Grant of the US government, Pakistan will get 200 million dollars in
2003-04.
The
deep appreciation that the US has for Pakistan’s regime is evident from the
invitation that Musharaff has received to meet Bush at Camp David. This must
surely discomfit our BJP leaders who gets thrilled if Bush "drops in” to
see them while they are meeting some junior functionary, or if they are given l5
minutes in the Oval Office. It is this subservient mindset which clouds the
judgement of the ruling circles.
For
the US, Pakistan and India together are parts of its strategic designs in the
region. If Pakistan is useful as a Muslim country and a neighbour of Afghanistan
and the Middle East, India with its BJP-led government is a useful counterweight
which can be used for the purposes of acting against any interests hostile to
the US from the same region. The Vajpayee regime’s chorus of praise for Israel
and its lining up with the arch-enemy of the Arab peoples is a reassurance for
the US that India can be relied upon to play a role which Pakistan cannot. This
is the meaning of Brajesh Mishra’s appearance at the American Jewish
Committee’s annual dinner and his speech calling for India, US and Israel
joining hands to fight terrorism. The AJC is well known for its blind support to
the Sharon regime’s aggressive policies.
To come
back to the question of Indian troops in Iraq, the BJP-led government has no
right to take this decision without the concurrence of parliament. In its last
session, parliament had adopted a resolution opposing the US-British war on Iraq
and called for the withdrawal of its forces. To send troops to serve under these
occupying authorities, is thus to flagrantly violate the parliament decision
which reflects the views of the Indian people.
The
existence of a colonial occupation in Iraq is an affront to the independence and
sovereignty of all countries. The British acquired Iraq during the First World
War when it fought the Ottoman empire to which belonged the territories which
are modern-day Iraq. The occupation of Basra, Baghdad and the Mosul provinces
were accomplished by the British Indian army. Ninety thousand troops of the
colonial army belonging to India, took more than two years to secure Iraq.
Thousands of Indian soldiers died in the fighting. Today, Iraq has been occupied
once again by the imperialist powers. Thus, in an eerie repetition of history,
we are asked to provide soldiers for recolonising Iraq. But this is not l9l4,
when India was a colony. Despite the machinations of the Vajpayee regime, the
Indian people will not allow a repeat of colonial history.
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