Insidious Campaigns Of The Sangh Parivar

  NaliniTaneja

APART from the better known activities of the Sangh Parivar that have been given front coverage in the media and are therefore well known, the Hindutva forces have been active in opening up other agendas for themselves to enable mobilization in areas where they have still not managed to assume the kind of centre stage presence that they have in Gujarat. Some of these campaigns can easily lead to violence once the Sangh Parivar decides that it wants to be more ‘active’ on the issues it is now initiating. More important these are devices to create ‘consent’ and hegemony for the right wing Hindutva agenda either through cutting and challenging the mass base of their political allies or the Congress in the different states, or by imposing a Hindutva agenda on them.

What has been happening in Madhya Pradesh is the most blatant example of how a leading opposition political party (Congress) is busy trying to prove itself the ‘real’ Hindu party, and rather than promoting secularism, is more intent on devising softer options for promoting the same interests. The Sangh Parivar realises it can succeed in making some of these parties do its work if it ups its antenna and heightens its pitch: others will have to do the same. In consequence a ‘soft’ option not longer remains that soft, which suits the Sangh Parivar. If the Congress governments in the state are willing to concede on Bhojshala or attend/allow functions where trishuls are distributed, or take over the protection of cows, the Sangh Parivar can on its part, move further ahead, as already there is a show of  ‘consensus’ or ‘social acceptance’ for some of its issues.

Haryana

According to Indian Express and Asian Age reports, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Parvin Togadia has threatened to take legal recourse to claim seven sites in Haryana where mosques were built after allegedly demolishing temples. At least seven mosques had been built after demolishing temples in different parts of Haryana and the state government has not taken any action to restore the land of the temples to the Hindus, he claimed while speaking to reporters at Shree Ram Krishna Sadhna Kendra at Murthal, about 8 km from Sonepat. He warned that if the government failed to hand over such lands to the Hindus, the VHP would launch a statewide agitation and also approach the court. Togadia criticised Haryana and West Bengal governments for failing to prevent cow slaughter and being ‘‘silent spectators’’ to the practice. (The Indian Express, The Asian Age, March 17, 2003). Both the West Bengal and Haryana governments declined to impose a complete ban on cow slaughter, ignoring the demand made by Hindu organisations, he said.

At Katgarh, amid the foothills of the Himalayas, prayers and ceremony was held as villagers threw petals into a small puddle they were made to believe was a mighty river some 4,500 years ago. Not far away, an ‘archeologist’, Sanjay Manjul, leaned over a trench to examine freshly excavated pieces of broken pottery, and claimed, "We have found remains of so many ancient settlements here. There must have been a very important river flowing. It must have been our holy Saraswati River." (The Washington Post, February 15, 2003).

According to the report, a group of geologists and glaciologists, armed with satellite imagery maps and remote sensing data, are studying rocks, glaciers and sediments in the Himalayas, seeking any trace of the Saraswati river, so crucial in the Hindutva’s claim to Aryans being the original inhabitants of this land, and Indian civilization being the oldest civilization in the world. The idea is to push back the birth of Hinduism by at least 1,000 years and to show that Indus civilisation was Hindu in character.

A special committee of experts was appointed by the culture ministry last summer just to ‘prove’ that the Saraswati was not merely a mythological river. "Saraswati is not only a matter of Hindu faith, but also fact," Ravindra Singh Bisht, director of the Archaeological Survey of India appointed during the BJP rule, who supervises excavation along what is believed to be the course of the river, is also quoted as saying. "The overwhelming archeological evidence of ancient settlements along the course of what was once the Saraswati River proves that our earliest civilizations were not confined to the Indus river alone. Those who wrote the Hindu Vedas on the banks of the Saraswati were the same as the Indus Valley people."

Delhi

In Delhi, the Sangh Parivar organisations and the BJP are not only protesting the Delhi Mayor’s ban on RSS shakhas in public parks, but also laying claim on the Jama Masjid. VHP vice president, Giriraj Kishore, claimed that a “Jamuna mandir” once existed where the Jama Masjid (in Delhi) now stands. This was in reply to a question whether the VHP would demand excavation near the Jama Masjid (Telegraph, March18, 2003).

Regarding the minorities, an RSS leader Bhagwat said in Delhi: ‘‘As far as the Sangh’s perception is concerned, Muslims and Christians are all Hindus. The change in mode of worship does not change one’s nationality. But they would be proud of their Hindutva only when the so-called Hindus start behaving as Hindus.’’ (The Indian Express, March 17, 2003).

Madhya Pradesh

For the last five years, various Hindu outfits have been mobilising people for Saraswati worship in Dhar. The Bhojshala monument that dates back to 1064 AD and also houses a Muslim shrine is now on the agenda of the Hindu Jagran Manch, and among the ‘temples’ it has ‘promised’ to ‘liberate’. Posters and pamphlets were distributed widely, one depicting Muslims praying peacefully while Hindus ‘are being lathi charged’. The campaign whipped up considerable stress among the Muslims, with the experience of Gujarat still fresh.

Fearing a confrontation with the Manch, an umbrella organisation of hardline Hindutva outfits led by Praveen Togadia and Sadhvi Rithambhara, Digvijay Singh, the chief minister, conceded the point by allowing Hindus to worship every Tuesday within certain timings. He sent the proposal to the centre, which is obviously determined to outdo him by saying that since it is an ancient Hindu temple and belongs to the Hindus, the Hindus should be allowed worship every day. The balancing act by the chief minister has not paid off. 

Similarly, Digvijay Singh tried to take the initiative for ‘defending’ cows and banning cow slaughter in his state, and has provided opportunity for a demand on banning cow slaughter in the entire country through a Bill in parliament.

Rajasthan

Human rights organisations in Rajasthan have accused Hindutva organisations and the BJP of spreading terror among Christians in Ajmer to facilitate re-conversions. More recently there have been huge gatherings for distribution of trishuls to thousands of people for purposes of “national security”. The government was not only not able to prevent the gathering, the governor actually attended it. Various organisations protested this compromise with Hindutva forces in the state.

In Karnataka, Punjab, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala also the Hindutva forces have been very active. In the North East and in Jharkhand they have taken on various activities among the tribals in the name of tribal welfare and education. These activities are mainly being carried out through “NGOs”.

A re-reading of Gramsci in these times could be fruitful in understanding these moves as parts of strategy for gaining hegemony for the right wing.