People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVI No. 46 November 24,2002 |
Harkishan
Singh Surjeet
THE debate
on the adjournment motion which the Lok Sabha took up for consideration on
November 18, on the very first day of its winter session, did underline once
again how duplicity has been, and is, the Sangh Parivar’s stock in trade.
Political observers have noted since long how one and the same person of the
Parivar says two things at two different times, how two members or outfits of
the Parivar speak contradictory things at the same time, and how their deeds
have often been at variance with their words.
A similar
spectacle was seen in Lok Sabha on the day.
The
gravity of the issue, that was stirring the minds of the members, was evident
from the fact that as many as six members moved their adjournment motions on
“failure of the government in curbing the communal elements in the country,
specially in Gujarat.” They were Ramji Lal Suman (SP), Prabodh Panda
(Congress), Raghuvansh Prasad Singh (RJD), Ajoy Chakraborty (CPI), Rupchand Pal
and Subodh Roy (both CPI-M). Of these, the speaker accepted Roy’s motion on
procedural grounds and asked him to introduce the same. (See a report on the
motion’s introduction elsewhere in this issue.) The marathon debate in the
house on the day saw the treasury benches completely on the defensive even if
they, as was predictable, defeated the motion by their sheer number.
IT is not
important to recall here who said what during the debate; our people do know the
position of various parties and forces on all the important issues facing the
country. But the way some BJP members defended the Sangh Parivar’s black deeds
in Gujarat during at least four months (February-end to June-end) was really
astonishing. Listen to a prominent BJP figure, Professor Vijay Kumar Malhotra,
for instance:
“This
house must congratulate the Gujarat government that an atmosphere of peace
prevails there at present, not a single such incidence is taking place. No
incidence took place after the VHP took out a token yatra in Gujarat. Congress, Samajwadi Dal and others were waiting that some untoward
incident, some massacre, some communal riot must take place in Gujarat, but
peace was established there, foiling all their attempts. For this, the Gujarat
government and the VHP must be congratulated” (emphasis added).
This is nothing
but turning the reality upside down ---
characteristic of those who lack any regard for truth. The impression Malhotra
sought to give is that while others were itching to have some disturbance in
Gujarat to reap narrow benefits, the VHP-Bajrang Dal killers, and the Modi
government that patronised these killers, were out to preserve peace in the
state!
About the charge
that the Parivar had “turned the Gujarat of Gandhi into Gujarat of Godse,”
Malhotra even resorted to a blunt lie. He challenged the opposition to tell him
about a single Congress leader or municipal councillor who got hurt during the
whole episode.
One does not
have to go far to call the bluff. Later during the debate, former Gujarat
minister Harin Pathak of Malhotra’s own party did mention late Shri Ehsan
Jaffri, though in a twisted way. One will recall that the marauding RSS-VHP
gangs had burnt alive the same Jaffri, a former Congress MP, along with some of
his family members during the pogrom.
BUT of all the
interventions made during the debate, Advani’s was the most notable for the
way he sought to defend the indefensible conduct of the Parivar in Gujarat.
Speaking towards the end of the debate, before Roy was asked to make a reply,
Advani had no guts to deny that minorities were killed in cold blood in the
state in those horror-packed four months. Yet he obliquely sought to defend Modi
whose government had backed the marauding gangs, by complimenting him for
“good governance.” In fact, he even sought to give the whole issue a
sentimental twist by quoting Harin Pathak to the effect that “five crore
Gujaratis” were being defamed. This was like equating the Sangh Parivar with
the whole people of Gujarat!
During his
speech, Advani correctly pointed out that when the Constituent Assembly was busy
framing a constitution for independent India, not a single member demanded that
India must be declared a theocratic state. It is a fact that our
constitution-makers were aware of the crucial importance of secularism for our
national unity and integrity, even though it was only in 1976 that the word
“secularism” was added to the constitution’s preamble. He said India is a
secular country and nobody would be able to turn it into a theocratic one. He
said India’s secularism owed its strength to the country’s cultural ethos
and age-old civilisation and not to any particular political formation.
All this is so
far so good. But in the same breath, our deputy prime minister cum home minister
also sought to equate Hinduism with Hindutva; in fact he used these two words
interchangeably a few times in his speech. Here, without going into what Shri
Ramkrishna Paramhans, Swami Vivekanand or Swami Dayanand said of Hinduism, the
simple fact is that Hindutva of the RSS-BJP’s conception is certainly not an equivalent of
Hinduism which a great majority of our people follow. Therefore
Advani’s complaint that some people take it as something communal when the
Sangh Parivar talks of “Hindutva or Hinduism,” simply lacks any weight.
Nor is there any
use of Advani quoting from Justice Verma’s judgement, in a case a few years
ago, that Hinduism indicates “more of a way of life of the Indian people.” A
constitution bench of the Supreme Court has already laid to rest all controversy
in this regard by stating that secularism
constitutes the very basic framework of our constitution. In fact,
Advani’s quotation from Justice Verma’s judgement represents a case of
selective memory.
BUT what Advani
sought to prove during his speech became clear when he said that “the people
of India will not accept pseudo-secularism either.”
The RSS logic is
simple to the extent of being deceptive. If one defends the minorities, their
rights and their interests from the attacks being launched by fascist communal
outfits, one is “pseudo-secular” and guilty of what the RSS calls
“minority appeasement.” On the other hand, to the RSS, genuine secularism
means that one must never say a word if its goons are out to kill the Christians
or Muslims, destroy their properties and livelihood, ransack their places of
worship, and force them to live as second-class citizens in their own country.
This was what late Shri Golwalkar taught them.
But going by this logic, all our
constitution-makers (by whom Advani swore in his speech) were pseudo-secular!
Advani’s
intention also became clear when he verbally regretted the Babri demolition
while in the same breath terming the “Ayodhya movement” as a “noble” (shrestha) movement. As he himself said, here he only reiterated
what he had deposed before the Liberhan commission, on which we have already
commented. Here we would only say this much: how sad Advani felt on December 6,
1992, is clear from the widely disseminated pictures that showed him, M M Joshi
and Ms Uma Bharati flaunting a broad smile when the mosque was being pulled
down!
Be that as it
may, Advani himself could not escape having a taste of the abusive vocabulary
that his party and its parent organisation have been using against others. The
VHP took strong exception to his --- otherwise correct ---announcement that
India would never become a theocratic state (mazahabi
rajya) and that the state is duty-bound to protect the minorities.
In a press conference next day, Ashok Singhal and V H Dalmiya accused him of
indulging in “pseudo-secularism.” Whether this reflects or not the
“VHP’s growing disillusionment with the BJP leadership,” as the Hindustan
Times (November 20) has pointed out, the VHP “has for the first time
chosen to target Advani.”
And now The
Statesman’s contention (November 19): “With the defeat of the
adjournment motion, the opposition has lost the opportunity to question the
centre’s role vis-ŕ-vis the conduct of Mr Narendra Modi, Acharya Dharmendra
and Mr Praveen Togadia during the election process.” But do the paper’s
scribes really think that the struggle to protect the nation’s fate and future
have ended with the defeat of a motion in parliament?