People's Democracy

Anil Biswas

INTRODUCING the political-organisational report of the CPI(M)’s West Bengal state committee at its 20th conference, Anil Biswas recalled that the first Bengal state conference of the undivided Communist Party was held at Metiaburz of Kolkata in 1934. Though it is not yet possible to collect all the information about that conference, what we know is that it had declared its objectives of fighting imperialism with all its strength. It was recently revealed from the credentials report of the second party congress held in Calcutta in 1948 that the delegates at the conference had spent in all one thousand years in jail, that is, two and a half years on average. A large section of the anti-imperialist fighters belonging to Bengal had contributed in no measure to strengthening the communist movement in the state. We are proud to inherit this tradition, Biswas said. He reminded that the CPI(M)’s 20th state conference was taking place in the background of another big fight against imperialism.

After touching the international and national situation, the CPI(M) state secretary dwelt in detail on the situation in the state. He said from the very beginning the Trinamul Congress had tried to unify all the reactionary forces against us, and finally entered an alliance with the BJP. With the help of the central government, the BJP and Trinamul tried to create a violent situation in the state, accompanied by a hate campaign against the CPI(M). The worst affected areas were Keshpur, Garbeta, Khankul and Joypur, a junction of three districts. The intention was to implement that model elsewhere once it succeeded in this area. Initially they gained to an extent and won the Panskura parliamentary byelection. But, in the long run, we were able to resist them tooth and nail, at the cost of dozens of comrades. The three district committees played a courageous role to defeat this heinous force.

Since the last conference we have lost 346 party cadres. Attacks against us continue in many forms, and so does resistance. We were able to defeat the Congress and Trinamul Congress challenge not only in elections but also by isolating them from the people. This is a reason to feel confident. Yet there is no place for complacency.

The running of the state government has become more and more difficult after the 1996 elections, because of limitations imposed by the centre’s policy of liberalisation. It is very difficult to discharge the responsibility of defending the poor and the working people. The sixth Left Front government too is facing stringent conditions, as seen in the last 10 months. In absence of a widespread movement, the discontent against the centre's policy may get directed against the state government. In the last three years we had to face a disastrous flood situation twice, each more intense than the 1978 floods. At the call of the party, its leaders, workers and sympathisers played a very commendable role to limit the flood’s effects and in rehabilitation work. The state administration too played its due role. This shows we can record successes in any eventuality, despite the centre's apathy, if we concentrate all our efforts.

Kamtapuri separatism was one of the big challenges in this period. These militant separatists have killed some important party leaders and cadres. But we countered the attack with patience, taking care that no ethnic conflict erupts. We were able to gain the support of most of the people, including Rajbanshis, in the elections. Yet the danger is not over.

PWG-MCC extremists have enhanced their activities in Midnapur, Bankura and Burdwan, and are killing our party organisers systematically. They seem to have no interest in any form of mass movement against the centre’s anti-people policies. They are assisted even by reactionary forces. We must keep vigil and also conduct an ideological struggle against them. In these areas, people’s unity must be forged through intense work of the panchayat and the government.

Left unity is essential for building a platform of the Left, democratic and secular forces. But Left unity in the country is impossible without strengthening the Left Front. The responsibility lies largely with us. Sometimes differences come to the fore. We must try to resolve them within the Left Front. There is progress in the front’s working at the state level. It needs to be extended to the district level.

In this period, Jyoti Basu's voluntary retired from chief ministership and Buddhadev Bhattacharya assumed that responsibility. It was an important event, and enhanced our image.

We conducted a series of struggles on pertinent issues: against the central government’s economic policies; against the design to create disturbances in the state; against imperialist aggression and terrorism; against communal offensive; to realise the state's demands for an extension of railways, central assistance for flood relief and rehabilitation, river management planning; against corruption of the high-ups at the centre; etc.

Coming to the state of party organisation in Bengal, Biswas said only a strong party capable of discharging its responsibility in any situation can organise multi-pronged struggles against imperialism, communalism and liberalisation, and defend the people’s interests. With this in view, much attention was paid to different aspects of party organisation.

The weaknesses included recruitment of members without taking sufficient care to activise and educate them. For years together, AG membership was ignored because of factionalism. This liberalism in recruitment adversely affected the quality of membership. Conversely, potentials of recruitment too could not be explored because of a hard attitude. Membership decreased in six districts. In one district, the growth rate is too high but was not reflected in struggles.

The 19th state conference laid a uniform basis of membership. Only sincere efforts of all units to adhere to this basis can ensure an optimal solution for maintaining the quality. A revolutionary party is inconceivable without a centre rallying around itself people on the basis of the Leninist principles of organisation. We have to impress upon the party committees at all levels the need to follow the norms of recruiting members.

Young cadres must be encouraged to join the party. The SFI’s victories in student union elections do not necessarily reflect a high level of political consciousness among students. The possibility has to be turned into a reality.

During this period, the number of branches increased by 369, local committees by 69 and zonal committees by 24. As we know, branch is the nerve centre of party organisation. We keep live contact with the people through these branches. But many branches are still inactive, and some are partially active. The responsibility of running them must be given to local committee members, and the latter’s performances periodically reviewed.

The process of establishing zonal committees as leading committees has advanced substantially. But we must be careful that zonal committees do not usurp the work of local committees. The subdued condition of some of the local committees can be overcome if the distribution of responsibility and raising of consciousness are properly done. Zilla committees’ functioning has improved; they are regularly meeting. District secretariat meetings are almost regular. The secretariats in all districts generally hold discussions on the basis of written notes. But, still, only some districts send regular reports to the state committee.

Despite consistent efforts, there remain weaknesses in submitting periodic reports by lower to the higher committees about their activities. The state committee and secretariat decisions are generally circulated through party letters: 25 state committee meetings were held and 25 party letters issued.

State committee and state secretariat are regularly meeting. The enormous workload of the state secretariat was lessened by delegating responsibilities to some of the state committee members. However, the state secretariat’s functioning needs further evaluation.

The party’ income has decreased because of reduction of levy rates. But, sadly, levy payment is irregular even after the rate reduction. We must keep in mind that to pay levy regularly is a party member’s minimum duty. It shows his/her sincerity and discipline. Mass collection has improved. Political significance of the mass collections is not being felt everywhere.

Today the need of waging ideological struggles has increased. But efforts at political-ideological education inside the party have not proportionately enhanced. Frequent elections and multifarious workload impeded this process. Profound emphasis on party education has to be laid after the conference. Party organs have a special role to play in party education. We must make all effort for their wider circulation.

Systematic and patient intervention for resolving factional conflicts in two districts --- Kolkata and North 24 Parganas --- bore fruits by and large. All-out unity can be achieved only through sustained work, collective leadership and regular check-up.

For long, a section of comrades has been openly questioning the basics of Marxism-Leninism, like socialism, dictatorship of the proletariat, democratic centralism and so forth. This also took a factional colour and got immense publicity in bourgeois newspapers. The state party dealt with this problem effectively and isolated these people from the mass of the comrades before the assembly elections. There was a negligible section of the comrades who did join the liquidationists. But it will be wrong to doubt the honesty of many of the comrades who shared the liquidationist political stand on some issues. The party must see to it that they are allowed to do the party work with respect and dignity.

Comrade Lenin persistently called for instilling in every communist a sense of taking initiatives. This needs to be emphasised in our organisational work. All district conferences displayed the sense of unity and an ardent desire for strengthening the party. The cloud of disunity has not yet been cleared everywhere. Concerted efforts must be directed to achieve more cohesion and unity of action.

There is marked improvement in inducting women comrades in committees, though not to the desired level. All party committees must seriously look into this problem. We have to overcome our shortcomings in recruiting advanced and dedicated comrades as wholetimers.

Wrong understandings about mass organisations and their functioning must be fought on the basis of the party document on mass organisations.

We must be firm about defending communist norms and morality, and not remain content with just education. All hesitation about taking prompt action in undeniable and established cases must be discarded. This hesitation comes out of factionalism that serves to conceal immorality and unprincipled actions. We need to uncompromisingly fight factionalism and immorality.

Twenty years back, Comrade Promode Dasgupta had asked for defending the party’s dignity and drawing more and more people into its orbit of influence, exerting all the strength and making all sacrifices. We must recall and reiterate the same call to accept the challenge of imperialism and all the reactionary and communal forces today.