People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVI No. 50 December 22,2002 |
Nalini Taneja
NOW
that
we
know
just
how
firmly
the
Hindutva
forces
are
ensconced
in
their
‘laboratory’
and
are
already
threatening
to
use
the
results
of
their
‘experiments’
in
other
states,
let
us
take
a
look
at
some
of
the
election
scenes
from
Gujarat;
if
nothing
else
then
to
see
for
ourselves
how
one
sided
the
whole
affair
was,
and
why
it
should
not
have
come
as
a
shock.
Most
of
us
continued
to
believe
till
the
very
end
that
the
Gujarat
elections
were
open
ended,
and
that
the
politics
of
hate
could
as
well
suffer
a
defeat
in
the
state,
if
not
for
any
other
reason
than
because
the
Hindutva
forces
had
gone
for
an
over
kill.
In
actual
fact
the
Hindutva
forces
were
in
control
from
the
day
one,
and
it
would
have
served
us
well
to
have
not
given
these
elections
the
status
of
a
referendum
for
the
direction
that
India
will
take.
It
is
not
the
people
of
Gujarat
alone
who
have
brought
the
Hindutva
forces
to
this
victory;
it
is
the
entire
bourgeois
political
leadership
of
this
country.
The
Election
Commission
had
done
its
duty
by
secularism,
but
the
political
will
to
enforce
its
directives
was
simply
not
in
place.
The
entire
election
campaign
was
an
infringement
of
the
directives
of
the
Election
Commission,
as
evident
from
newspaper
reports,
and
neither
the
Indian
parliament
nor
the
Supreme
Court
of
this
country
even
tried
to
put
a
stop
to
these
day
in
and
day
out
infringements
of
the
election
code
and
our
Constitution
as
well.
The
largest
opposition
party,
the
Congress,
far
from
resisting,
actually
imitated
the
Hindutva
forces
when
it
could.
In
retrospect
we
must
recognise
that
the
Gujarat
elections
were
held
in
the
political
circumstances
and
on
the
ideological
terrain
mapped
out
by
the
Hindutva
forces,
and
with
its
intimidatory
tactics
in
full
strength.
Godhra
remained
the
dominant
visual
and
verbal
image
and
it
appeared
that
Muslims
of
the
entire
country
must
answer
for
it.
The
secular
campaign
that
argued
otherwise
hardly
made
a
dent
in
this
vilification
of
a
whole
community.
Sushma
Swaraj
was
openly
stating:
“We
are
against
those
who
cheer
Pakistan
during
an
India
Pakistan
match”
(The
Indian
Express,
December
1,
2002).
Uma
Bharti
made
the
plea:
“Do
not
make
the
mistake
of
punishing
Hindustan
by
voting
Congress”.
(The
Indian
Express,
December
1,
2002).
Both
Advani
and
Vajpayee
defended
Narendra
Modi
for
for
his
“successful”
and
“exemplary”
leadership”,
during
recent
months.
Advani
actually
dared
Pakistan
to
fight
a
fourth
war,
while
Modi
called
every
Muslim
a
potential
“Mian
Musharraf”
and
characterised
a
vote
for
Congress
as
vote
for
Pakistan.
And
the
VHP
leaders
have
called
the
Gujarat
victory
a
victory
for
nationalist
forces,
equating
nationalism
not
merely
with
the
Hindutva
ideology
but
also
with
the
wiping
out
the
Muslims
from
this
country.
On
the
side
of
the
Congress,
was
their
man
in
Maninagar,
Yatin
Oza,
who
not
very
long
ago
was
with
the
BJP
and
twice
sat
in
the
Gujarat
Legislative
Assembly
as
a
BJP
MLA.
Mr
Oza,
whose
roots
were
(are?)
firmly
in
the
RSS,
was
seeking
election
claiming
the
mantle
of
Hindu
leader
for
himself
and
his
new
party.
That
could
be
said
for
a
great
many
Congress
campaigners
as
well.
And
as
Anjali
Mody
has
pointed
out
in
a
report
on
the
campaign
(The
Hindu),
the
Congress
actually
had
two
election
manifestos,
with
the
English
containing
the
high-sounding
words
about
secularism
and
the
soul
of
India,
and
promising
a
white
paper
on
the
Godhra
episode
and
the
role
of
the
BJP
government
in
it;
and
about
secularism
as
the
bedrock
of
Indian
polity.
The
Gujarati
version
of
the
manifesto
on
the
other
hand
found
no
space
for
secularism,
the
ideas
of
nationhood
or
even
for
denunciations
of
the
Congress'
chief
opponent
that
the
English
one
has.
And
in
all
the
localities
where
the
Muslims
have
borne
the
brunt
of
the
genocide:
houses
were
shut,
people
listened
with
bated
breath
for
election
results
that
seemed
to
decide
whether
they
may
ever
step
out
without
fear;
there
were
whole
localities
that
did
not
dare
to
vote;
in
many
places
Muslims
came
collectively
from
many
miles
away
where
they
had
fled
to
just
vote
and
push
off
immediately.
Many
could
not
even
return
to
their
constituencies
to
vote
despite
the
Election
Commission
assurances
which
they
knew
were
no
guarantee
against
what
was
happening
on
the
ground;
thousands
of
names
had
already
vanished
from
the
electoral
rolls
and
perhaps
from
citizenship
rights
as
well
as
they
remain
without
means
of
livelihood,
with
residences
destroyed
and
no
proofs
of
belonging
where
they
have
lived
for
years.
This
is
one
image
of
the
Gujarat
elections
that
has
simply
not
reached
across
to
people
outside
the
state
because
the
political
leadership
of
this
country
and
the
media
sought
to
play
it
down
in
its
hurry
to
designate
the
elections
a
referendum
for
secularism.
And
finally,
the
likes
of
Chandrababu
Naidu,
Mamata
Banerji,
and
Jayalalitha
who
maintained
absolute
silence
on
these
goings
on
during
the
campaign
have
suddenly
found
their
voice.
But
on
which
side?
The
victors,
of
course.
All
three
have
welcomed
the
people’s
democratic
mandate.
And
Mayawati
who
campaigned
for
the
BJP
in
Gujarat
has
already
endorsed
everything
that
Modi
has
been
doing.
With
such
friends
of
secularism
at
the
helm
of
affairs,
could
a
BJP
defeat
really
have
been
on
the
cards?
Good
sense
of
the
people
and
‘real
Hinduism’
are
both
being
mediated
today
into
politics
through
the
so
called
secular
NDA
partners
whose
hurry
to
privatise
has
made
them
lose
sense
of
what
else
the
nation
is
losing
in
the
process.
They
follow
their
Imperialist
masters
in
endorsing
Hindutva
so
long
as
globalisation
processes
proceed
fast
enough.