Battle Communal Fascism Till Its End

 Sitaram Yechury

 BY THE time this issue reaches our readers, the results of the elections in Gujarat would be known.  Nevertheless, one would hazard to put down impressions and experiences, returning as the campaign ends in Gujarat. 

For most of this year, the mere mention of Gujarat has evoked both anger and anguish. The Narendra Modi-led State sponsored genocide, barbaric as it was, was bound to leave behind emotional scars. But only on going there could one experience the depth and intensity of these emotional wounds that have virtually created two distinct mindsets and psyches -- those supportive of Narendra Modi's genocide and those opposed to it, including the victims who had experienced the vilest of bestiality.  Irrespective of the results of the elections, it would take a long time to restore, in fact, recreate secular harmony, in its complete sense in the state.   Tragically, the RSS and its tentacles have succeeded, for the time being, in creating such a poisonous divide.

Given this, it is only understandable that large sections of the people are wary of revealing their mind, in the campaign.  This, in itself, was encouraging in the sense that the communal euphoria that the RSS storm troopers sought to create was not visible to the extent that they hoped to generate. Make no mistake, deep communal passions are obviously dominant. Notwithstanding the ostensible declarations to the contrary by the prime minister and his cronies, the only issue that the BJP is campaigning on is the communal one.

The atmosphere made one recollect the lull before the storm that prevailed during the elections held immediately after the emergency was relaxed in 1977.  People refused to voice their opinion and kept their decision tightly close to their hearts till they voted.  They had made their decisions much earlier. So it appears in Gujarat. This may, however, work both ways -- people may have decided to endorse, or fallen prey to, the RSS/BJP's strategy of whipping up communal passions for electoral benefit, or, they have decided that what happened in Gujarat is a blot on humanity and hence not to allow the BJP to exploit it for  its electoral advantage. For the sake of India and its future, one can only hope that it is the latter and not the former. This only the election results would tell.

This apart, there was an unmistakable response from the people when economic issues and the plight of their livelihood were being discussed in the campaign. The CPI(M)'s campaign in Bhavnagar posed the issue of these elections as `vinash' (destruction) vs `vikas' (development). That the people responded to these issues was obviously due to the economic ruin that the BJP rule of the last four and a half years, particularly during the last year since Modi became the chief minister, heaped. The communal carnage alone led to a loss of over Rs 10,000 crores, according to conservative estimates. 

During the course of the BJP rule, Gujarat being number one or two on the index of industrial development in the country has slipped down to the eighth position.    During this period, 440 big industrial units closed down resulting in a decline of investment to the tune of nearly Rs 38,000 crores and loss of nearly 1.64 lakh jobs. 

There has been a comprehensive agricultural decline during this period. All major crops saw a drastic fall in production and the state's contribution to the national paddy production reduced from 2.73 per cent to 1.3 per cent.

The public debt of the government ballooned enormously to the extent that every one of the five crore Gujaratis pays on an average Rs 1,000 as interest alone per annum. Educated unemployment registered at the exchanges rose from seven to 12 lakhs during this period. 

The RSS/BJP aimed to divert the massive discontent amongst the people against its rule through inhuman communal polarisation.  As we have repeatedly stated in these columns, if they succeed in this, then what is in store  is the Modification of India. If they fail, India, i.e. Bharat, will heave a sigh of relief and the people will begin to address their urgent concerns of livelihood.

The RSS/BJP, determined to make their strategy succeed, had thrown in every conceivable leader into the campaign and has left no stone unturned in its efforts. Some have argued that even if the BJP wins the election but reduces its strength, then it is the defeat of its communal strategy. It will be a disaster to so conclude.   Threats and intimidation were central to the BJP's campaign. It is only hoped that the inner resilience of Indian patriots will stand up and rise against this. 

Irrespective of the election results, the battle against this communal fascism will have to be waged to the end.  If they loose in Gujarat, the task may be a trifle easier.   But, even then, Mr. Modi warns us that the battle will be more bitter.  

Hours before the campaign closed, the latest issue of the Time International magazine hit the stands. In an   article by Alex Perry (famous for his earlier article on the health of Prime Minister Vajpayee), Narendra Modi replies to the question of what would happen if he lost the elections.  With typical fascist overtones, he replies that his defeat would mean that the Hindus would loose faith in the democratic process and may engage in a civil war!  Can greater fascist threats be possible? 

Mr. Modi, the RSS and all its tentacles must remember that if they loose in Gujarat, they loose because a majority of Hindus do not accept them as their representatives and reject Hindutva as having anything to do with the Hindu religion.

(December 11, 2002)