People's Democracy

(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)

Vol. XXVI

No. 47

December 01,2002


Once Again On Third Alternative 

Harkishan Singh Surjeet

 THE Left and democratic forces in India are facing a critical situation today. While they have to fight a crucial battle against communalism, at the same time they have also to take care of the country’s future. In a nutshell, the dilemma they are facing is this. While these forces have to mobilise all those who are worried over the threats the BJP-led regime is posing to our national unity and secularism, they have also to see how the country can break free from the grip of bourgeois-landlord parties. For, it is certain that if the Left and democratic forces fail in their duty, it is only two bourgeois-landlord parties that will continue to merrily rule the country by rotation.

GRAVITY OF THE PROBLEM

THE problem has become pressing in view of the widespread discontent the BJP-led regime is generating. There was a time when the Congress had a monopoly of power in the country. But over the years its anti-people policies generated a lot of discontent and the party lost its clout; its seat tally in Lok Sabha today is lowest since the first general election. However, unfortunately, the Left and democratic forces could not fill up the space vacated by the Congress. It was the BJP that capitalised on the mass discontent and came to power, even if with the help of others.

But the last four odd years have seen the BJP in action; the people have realised how hollow were the promises it made in a bid to grab power. As detailed many times, the regime has thrown the economy into a bottomless pit. It has systematically dismantled our consensual foreign policy that was once India’s article of pride, and made the country a servile adjunct of the US in international affairs. What to talk of Muslims, even the minuscule Christian community was not spared. Gujarat saw this year the most horrendous anti-Muslim carnage since independence. Attempts are being made to saffronise even our educational institutions and textbooks in a bid to produce a generation of bigots. Even today, with the RSS-BJP leaders’ blessings, Modi, Togadia and Co are busy flaring passions, indicating that the BJP is all set for a strident communal campaign. This poses a direct threat to the very future of our composite culture and civilisation.  

Yet the BJP and its allies have suffered a rout in most of the assembly polls (21 out of 26) that were held in the last four odd years. Even in Gujarat that is to go to polls in about two weeks, the BJP seems to be on a shaky ground and is doing everything to save itself from ignominy.

But it is also a fact that the anti-BJP discontent has gone the Congress way in most of the states, except mainly in UP. This is what poses a dilemma before the Left and democratic forces. For, it was a Congress regime that initiated the ‘new’ economic policies the BJP is pursuing. True, there seems to be some rumbling in the Congress ranks on the question of, say, privatisation of even profit-making public sector undertakings. But the party has not yet given any indication that it would make a fundamental departure from the policies that heaped burdens on the people, generated discontent and capsized its own boat. Growing discontent in Rajasthan and Maharashtra is an instance of it, and can only help the BJP.

THE BJP & THE CONGRESS

ONE thing must be clear here. As our 16th party congress correctly said, we cannot equate the Congress with the BJP insofar as secularism is concerned. It is true that the Congress on occasions compromised with or capitulated before the communal forces, but it also had to pay the price for that. All said and done, the Congress par se is a secular party and has a role to play in the struggle to defend the nation’s unity, harmony and composite culture from communal depredations. Hence the need not to jumble up the Congress party’s secular outlook with its economic policy. The party has also upheld a positive foreign policy more or less consistently. 

This thing assumes importance in context of the imminent Gujarat polls. Here we have to admit that the CPI(M) is extremely weak in the state; nor is there any other Left party to serve as nucleus of anti-communal mobilisation. Nor have other non-Congress, non-BJP parties much base in the state. The state’s population is polarised between the BJP and the Congress. Hence it is imperative for the Left and democratic parties and the Congress to cooperate with one another so that the BJP may be given one-to-one fight on every seat. This is the only way the BJP may be defeated in the state. This is absolutely essential, as these polls are to have a serious implication for India’s very future as a civilised nation.

Unfortunately, it seems that formations like the Samajwadi Party and NCP have not grasped this reality and its implications, and have announced their intention to contest more seats than their actual strengths warrant. On its part, the Congress too made the mistake of abstaining from polling for a UP legislative council seat. The result was that the BSP-BJP combine won the seat that it could have otherwise lost. That such moves only help the BJP, has to be clearly grasped.

Incidentally, the Congress lent its voice to the demand raised by the SP, CPI(M) and some other parties that the UP governor must call an assembly session immediately and ask the state government to prove its strength on the floor of the house. For, it is clear from the legislative council voting that the BSP-BJP regime is now in a minority. As for the UP cabinet, it is still not prepared to prove its strength in the assembly. The UP governor, himself a staunch RSS man, has also blatantly flouted the provisions of the constitution and ignored the Supreme Court ruling in Bommai case that the assembly’s floor is the only place to test a ruling party’s strength. These facts go to show what scant regard the BJP has for democratic norms.

RELEVANCE OF A THIRD ALTERNATIVE

IN this situation that the Left and democratic forces have to grapple with the problem of how to break the stranglehold of bourgeois-landlord parties on state power. In this regard the CPI(M)’s slogan is of a Left and democratic front, but that requires a series of interim measures and flexible tactics to be adopted. The idea of a third alternative assumes importance here.

It is true that there were a few experiments when non-Congress, non-BJP formations assumed charge at the centre, and every time such a formation ultimately floundered. Yet, it is also a fact that pro-bourgeois, pro-landlord and pro-multinational policies have only led the country from one crisis to another. This in itself underlines the necessity of a third alternative to break free from the stranglehold of such policies and to fight communalism.

This is not to say that it will be a smooth task. The fact is that the non-BJP, non-Congress parties have a lot of differences among them. Personal ambitions of their leaders also play their part, giving rise to differences, bickerings and even splits in these parties. All this makes the task of forging a third alternative all the more difficult. Some people have even turned skeptic about the prospect of such an alternative.

Yet, if one pays only a little attention to solid facts, one will come to the conclusion that the non-Congress, non-BJP parties have a lot of clout in several parts of the country. Whether it was in 1989 or in 1996, these parties put up a creditable performance and came to form a government with some outside support. Even in the 1999 polls, it was the NDA’s non-BJP parties that increased their strength; the main ruling party, the BJP, could win only 182 seats --- the same number it had won in 1998. This underscores the fact that if only the non-BJP, non-Congress formations are not scattered but put up a united fight, they can well defeat the bourgeois-landlord formations.

This requires that we turn the bitter experiences of 1989-90 and 1996-98 into a source of strength. These experiences need to be coolly analysed and appropriate lessons drawn from them. The non-BJP, non-Congress parties have also to guard against personalised politics and come around to issue-based politics, keeping the interests of our people foremost in their view.

As for the BJP’s allies, they too have to realise whither their policies are taking the country.

On their part, the Left parties too have to forge mass struggles on the burning issues facing the people --- jointly where possible, independently otherwise. They also have to intervene in the spontaneously developing mass struggles in various parts of the country and give them a positive direction. For, it is certain that the CPI(M)’s and the Left parties’ capacity to hold the non-Congress, non-BJP parties together will crucially depend on their own independent strength. Such a mobilisation of the people at large is the only guarantee for India’s regeneration.