People's Democracy

JHARKHAND

Bereft of Issues, BJP Incites Violence

J S Majumdar

THE illusions and high expectations created before and at the time of the formation of Jharkhand stand shattered within a short span of time. The Babulal Marandi government’s anti-people policies and its failure on all fronts led to the people’s rapid alienation and the BJP’s complete rout in the recently held Lok Sabha bypoll in Dumka. Since then the BJP has been in a desperate search of issues to recover the lost ground. This was how the BJP and its NDA allies raked up the domicile issue, and created social division, turmoil and violence. After Gujarat, another divisive model is thus being created in Jharkhand for electoral purposes.

On September 22, 2001, the Marandi government issued two notifications. One was on 73 per cent reservation in government jobs --- for tribals 32 per cent, Dalits 14 per cent and OBCs 27 per cent. The other one was on giving priority to local inhabitants in class 3 and class 4 categories of district level government jobs. A “local inhabitant” is defined as a person who possesses a domicile certificate on the basis of the last land survey settlement’s record of rights.

Recently, applications were invited for recruitment of 8,000 policemen in districts. Instead of giving any ‘priority’ as stated in the policy, the government’s recruitment notice made it compulsory to attach domicile certificate on the basis of the 1932 land survey records. A large number of applications were not accepted, as they did not carry domicile certificates. This triggered off mass anger. The persons, whose applications were not accepted, formed anti-domicile groups and launched an agitation that included the Jharkhand bandhs on July 18 and 26. The tribals and other locals who call themselves moolvasis (original inhabitants), immediately made a common cause, formed pro-domicile groups and launched a counter-agitation including the Jharkhand bandhs on July 20 and 24. Violence took place during these bandhs, particularly on July 24, when three tribal youth were killed as the private security guards in Mecon, a premier public sector engineering consultancy firm, opened fire. Two non-tribal youth were also killed in Hatia area during the firing by pro-domicile groups. Those named as accused in the FIR are non-tribal landlords calling themselves moolvasis.

Despite the earlier intelligence report, chief minister Marandi absented himself from Jharkhand on July 24. The governance collapsed and the police and administration remained paralysed. At the state capital Ranchi, it was a field open for violence on the day. Chief Justice of the High Court and chief secretary had to remain indoor. Earlier, ministers and leaders of NDA allies issued provocative statements in favour of anti-domicile and pro-domicile groups both. It took provincial overtones of ‘Jharkhandis’ versus ‘Biharis.’ An attempt is being made to make 1932 as the cut-off year for ‘Jharkhand’ identity. Naturally, who came to inhabit the area later would become ‘non-Jharkhandis.’

Vested interests, mafias, contractors and land-grabbers fomented trouble. It is reported that the Ranbir Sena, the notorious private army of landlords in Bihar, brought arms and is collecting funds.

After a state-level meeting of the BJP, attended by the chief minister, other ministers, MPs, MLAs and district presidents of the party, Kailashpati Mishra misinformed the media that trouble and violence were being fomented by Christian minorities by providing liquor, cell phones and money to the trouble-makers. Mishra is the BJP’s incharge in Jharkhand and one of its all-India vice-presidents. Thus the BJP is trying to communalise the issue and target the minorities. That is why the Jharkhand state committee of the CPI(M) called upon all secular masses and toiling sections to remain vigilant against the Sangh Parivar’s communal game plan.

Six Left parties --- the CPI(M), CPI, CPI(ML), FB, RSP and Marxist Co-ordination Committee that met several times in this period --- appealed to the people to maintain unity and amity and frustrate the BJP game plan. In a statement these Left parties said that mafia groups and contractors, active in the coal, steel, land, forest, education and other areas, had been looting the governmental and public sector resources and cheating the tribal and other toiling sections of Jharkhand when it was a part of Bihar. And their loot continues even after the formation of Jharkhand, with protection from the ruling parties and the government. They have looted Jharkhand and its people. It is they against whom the movement has to be directed. The six Left parties and Jharkhand Mukti Morcha also decided to boycott the all-party meeting on August 1. Eventually, the Congress and RJD too boycotted the meeting. In fact, the state government had called the all-party meeting only to garner support for its domicile and recruitment policies and suggest the inclusion of some others. The opposition parties condemned the government for restricting the agenda and for communalising the issue.

After the violent agitation, the government notified through press that all eligible persons could apply for recruitment, even without domicile certificates, and their applications would be accepted. However, it said priority would be given to those who possess domicile certificates.

In another development, in a written statement in Lok Sabha, deputy prime minister L K Advani said: (i) that the Jharkhand government did not adopt any domicile policy, (ii) that the central government had directed the state government to check violence, (iii) that the Jharkhand government had only renotified the 1982 circular of the Bihar government in respect of giving priority in district-level jobs to local inhabitants, and (iv) that there would be no discrimination in recruitment in government services in Jharkhand.

It will be recalled that the labour department of the then government of Bihar had issued a circular in 1982, after a meeting with all parties and central trade unions. Dr Jagannath Mishra was the chief minister at that time. That circular stated that priority in jobs would be given to district-level local inhabitants on the basis of the last land survey settlement’s records of rights. It was that circular that came handy for Marandi to announce his domicile policy.

In Jharkhand, the land survey settlement’s record of rights are available in different district for different years. The 1964 survey records are available, for instance, only for 162 villages in four districts. In some districts records are available for 1932, in some for 1916, in others for 1905, and in other districts and areas no survey took place at all. Yet Marandi is insisting on the 1932 land records to pit one section of people against another on that basis.

The notification on both the issues --- 73 per cent job reservation and priority in jobs to locals on the basis of the 1932 land survey records --- have been challenged in Ranchi High Court. A 5-member bench of the High Court will hear the petitions and it is expected that its judgement will be delivered in this very month.

The Jharkhand state committee of the CPI(M) has sent a letter to the chief minister questioning his notifications and explaining the CPI(M)’s views on these issues. The letter is now being widely circulated among the people.