People's Democracy

(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)

Vol. XXVI

No. 31

August 12,2002


Food Stocks And Hunger --- II

 

Utsa Patnaik

  

IN India despite the shortfall in supply with per head output falling, far from any need for imports, we see precisely the opposite situation, namely both the build-up of enormous public food stocks as well as net exports. This means that per head availability, hence absorption, has been falling, and falling very substantially  (Table A). Every one million tonne of addition to stocks means today almost one kilogram fall in availability per head. The question is, why should average grain absorption be falling in India despite rise in average  income? Nowhere in the world has such a phenomenon been observed under normal conditions. Further, the daily per capita calorie intake from all foods - not just foodgrains - has been falling slowly in urban areas and at a faster rate in villages, according to the NSS data, and the period 1983 to 1993 has seen a drop by 68 calories or Kcal, from 2221 calories to 2153 calories (Table B). The only exceptions have been the states of Kerala and West Bengal, which according to the same NSS consumption data, have seen rising per head cereals intake and hence, have also posted rising per head total calorie intake in both rural and urban areas, in sharp contrast to all other states. The pro-poor policies in these two states have helped to enhance nutritional security. In the states other than Kerala and West Bengal, taken together, the fall in both variables, obviously, has been greater than the all-India average fall.  By the time 2002 data become available the additional drop in average calorie intake over 1993-4 would be large owing to the sharp fall in foodgrain absorption in the last five years. This is a highly abnormal situation, and is again unprecedented in the history of developing countries with positive income growth.

 

The only answer lies in a very large increase in the ineq distribution during the nineties, and in the poor being institutionally denied access to grain since 1997 owing to the misconceived targeting system under which the actually poor are not being identified as such and are not being issued ration cards for accessing cheap food. Economic reform policies including targeting, have reduced a functioning PDS to a shambles before our eyes and gravely undermined the little food security that the people had.

 

MISCONCEIVED   NOTION   

 

Many of our economists have turned out to be latter- day Marie Antoinettes: they think that the reason direct foodgrains consumption is going down is because more animal products are being consumed, so there is nothing to worry about as it is in conformity with Engel's Law which says that with rising income people voluntarily substitute superior foods for inferior ones.  They would tell the poor who make up the majority of our population, so what if you have over 100 kg. less of foodgrains to eat - consume milk, butter, eggs and chicken and enjoy your more diversified diet. Would anyone but a Marie Antoinette expect the poor to access sufficient calories from more expensive animal products when they cannot even access basic foodgrains in adequate amounts? In fact, Marie Antoinette may perhaps be forgiven her callous ignorance of the condition of the poor, raised as she was in feudal opulence without any contact with the people.

 

But what can one possibly say of our economists with their doctorates? These economists have been quoting the percentage shares of various food items in expenditure in order to establish that the share of cereals is falling in all expenditure groups and the share of animal products rising, and term this dietary diversification. What these good but very simple-minded people forget is that "dietary diversification" is as much a feature of falling nutrition as of improving nutrition. For example, in Kenya where per capita income has been falling, average calorie intake has been falling as well mainly owing to a drastically lower availability of the food staples which includes cereals and tubers - just as in India of late -, while calories from animal products have risen but only only marginally leading to a large net loss of calories. The average Kenyan by the mid-nineties was pushed way below the poverty line calorie intake owing to a large net loss of 303 calories daily.  But in percentage terms the share of calories from foodgrains has fallen and the share from animal products has risen - viz. the diet is more "diversified".

 

We have given Table C as an example of dietary diversification accompanying worsening nutrition. In short, diversification is a necessary condition, but not a sufficient condition for inferring improvement in welfare. We need to look at a crucial additional fact  - is the per head total calorie intake going up- in which case nutrition is improving - or, is it going down, in which case nutrition is worsening and so is welfare.  Both the bottom of a valley and the very top of a mountain are flat, viz. flatness is a necessary condition for a maximum as well as a minimum. We need to know an additional fact to know where we are, and that is whether the ground all around is rising or falling.

 

THE CORRECT ANSWER

 

There is no need for our economists to be so confused by the fact that average grain intake and calorie intake are going down despite rise in per head income: sharply worsening income distribution plus institutional denial of food access to the poor owing to targeting, is the answer. The top 15 per cent or so of the population which accounts for at least half of total consumption expenditure and whose share in income is rising, is indeed voluntarily substituting superior foods for inferior ones, but the bottom sixty per cent is suffering enforced and increasing denial of access to adequate foodgrains and hence is suffering declining nutrition, owing to the decline of their purchasing power and the institutional barrier erected by the requirement of the BPL permit. 

 

The absorption, or availability of foodgrains in the economy is officially defined as gross  production less one-eighth on account of  seed, feed and wastage, plus net imports and minus net addition to public stocks, and this is divided through by population to give per head availability. If data on private stocks were available that too should be considered, but we do not have such data. Per capita availability figures are given every year by government in terms of grams per day. Using this same definition but expressing the result in kilograms per year, looking at Table A carefully we find that per head foodgrains availability has fallen drastically by 11.5 kg per head by the end of the decade, and that the last period alone, the four years since 1997 accounts for 10.7 kg. out of this total  fall. The year 1997 is when the division of the population into above poverty line (APL) and below poverty line (BPL) was made, and since then the majority of the actually poor have been denied BPL ration cards because they have not been identified as being poor. Off- take from the PDS has fallen drastically as a result. The typical five-member household was consuming 58 kg less of grain considering the three years centred on year 2000, compared to a decade earlier. The criteria for identifying a household as poor, and entitled to a BPL card, are quite arbitrary and have the effect of excluding most of the actually poor. These criteria include whether the family has a pucca roof to its house, whether it owns a television set, and whether any member is in service. If any one of these conditions is satisfied by the household it is denied BPL status: the absurdity of these criteria is obvious.

 

To repeat, by last year, per head grain availability has fallen further hit an unprecedented low of only 152.1 kg., which is nearly 23 kg. lower than in the early nineties. The average family of five, was thus consuming last year nearly 114 kg. less of foodgrains than a decade ago - a massive fall in intake. The poor in turn are consuming even less than the average, for it is obvious that availability could not have fallen for the rich, who are indeed consuming a great deal more of animal products. The nadir of food availability had been reached in British India with 136 kg. per head during 1945-46. The present government, through its inaction, is doing its level best to ensure that this nadir is reached once again. Without a determined and conscious policy of increasing purchasing power and removing the institutional barrier erected through targeting, the danger of widespread starvation will soon become a reality for the poorest segment of the population.

 

FOOD SECURITY UNDERMINED

 

This statement regarding starvation is not idly made. Food security systems can collapse very fast with wrong policies, the system has been already severely undermined, and in a still poor country, starvation is a hair's breadth away. There is nothing wrong in principle with the PDS or with its distribution mechanism, and it worked well for a quarter century from 1965 to 1991. The reason it started packing up after 1991, and has reached a crisis point today, is because purchasing power especially in villages, has collapsed under a combination of government's contractionary fiscal policies and the effects of globally falling farm prices as protection was removed and the poor have been excluded from the PDS by the misconceived targeting of the food subsidy. Those who think that all we need are a couple of years of drought which will lower procurement and increase off-take, are dangerously mistaken. Even three years of drought will do nothing to lower stocks in the absence of expansion of purchasing power: all that will happen is that farmers, already hit by falling employment and falling prices, will suffer further income loss as their output falls with drought, and many will die. Nor will decentralisation of the PDS help in the least, for state governments do not have the fiscal powers to take over the central government's responsibility of restoring aggregate demand and managing the food economy. 

 

FOOD FOR WORK PROGRAMME

 

The present food stocks mountain, and annual exports of three million tonnes represent not a surplus, but a huge deduction from the necessary consumption of the people. The immediate and urgent measure is to go back to the earlier universal system, issue ration cards to all who want it, and make foodgrains available at the present BPL rates to all.  A substantial part could also be distributed free in drought-affected areas. This would immediately raise the off-take from the PDS by at least about 8-10 million tonnes a year, but excess stocks would still remain. Longer term policies of restoring purchasing power need to be started on an urgent basis, and the stepping up of food-for-work programmes to cover every state whether drought affected or not, is the obvious answer. It has been pointed out that with the banking system awash with liquidity and industry in recession, Rs 16,000 crore annually can be mobilised easily for infrastructural development. To this we may add that with 45 million tonnes of unutilised excess foodgrains stocks, it is only the foolish and callous neo-liberals who would hesitate to launch a massive food-for-work programme for restoring mass purchasing power and at the same time ensuring infrastructural and social sector development in rural areas. This is an issue on which the left and progressive movement needs to mobilize politically, and to do so fast before a very bad situation worsens further.  

 

 

Table A

PER HEAD FOODGRAINS AVAILABILITY IN INDIA

( Three Year Annual Average)

 

Three-year  Period ending in the year

Average  Population    million 

  Availability per Head per     Annum  of

Cereals (kg) Pulses (kg) Foodgrains (kg)
1992    850.70 162.83  12.1 174.9
1995  901.02  160.06 12.2  172.26 
1998 953.04  162.08 12.0  174.08
2001  1008.14 151.80  11.6   163.40
Individual Year 2001  1027.0    142.55 9.6  152.15  

____________________________

 

Source: Economic Survey for years 1999-00 and 2000-01.

 

Note: Availability is Gross Output less 12.5 per cent on account of seed, feed and wastage, and less net exports and net addition to public stocks. Output is for agricultural year from July-June: for example 1992 refers to 1991-92 and so on. Population figures for inter-censal years have been derived by applying the growth rate of 1.89 per cent per annum yielded by the 1991 and 2001 Census population totals. Population figure relates to the end of first quarter of the year against which shown.  

 

Table B

DECLINE IN AVERAGE CALORIE INTAKE IN RURAL

AND URBAN INDIA, 1973 TO 1993-94

                                               

Year

                        Rural

                      Urban

Kcal

Index

Kcal

Index

1972-73

2,266

100.0

2,107

100.0

1983

2,221

 98.0

2,089

 99.1

1993-94

2,153

 95.0

2,071

 98.3

Change  

1983 over 1972-3

 

-45

 

 

-18

 

1993-4 0ver 1983

-68

 

-18

 

Total change

-113

 

-36

 

Source: NSS Surveys on Consumer Expenditure, quoted in M Swaminathan, Weakening Welfare – The Public Distribution of Food in India (New Delhi: Leftword, 2000), pp.19,24.

 

Note: Initial calorie intake in rural areas was already below rural poverty norm of 2400, and initial calorie intake in urban areas which was about the urban poverty norm of 2100, fell below it.

 

Table C

AN EXAMPLE OF DIETARY DIVERSIFICATION AND WORSENING WELFARE

Daily Per Capita Calorie Intake, KENYA, 1972-74 to 1992-94

 

Vegetal Origin Kcal

Animal Origin Kcal

Total Kcal

Percentage shares in Total

Vegetal

Animal

        1974-76

2003

217

2220

90.2

9.8

        1982-84

1810

230

2040

88.7

11.3

        1992-94

1672

245

1917

87.2

12.8

Change, 1992-94

Over 1974-76

 

 

-331

 

+ 28

 

-303

 

 

 

(Concluded)