People's Democracy

FROM April 4 to 7, 2002, 634 delegates, representing a membership of 92,317, gathered at the Adriatic coast city of Rimini, for the 5^th Congress of the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy. They were joined by over a hundred foreign delegates from communist organisations of fifty three countries.

The Congress was meeting at a time when Italy, and Europe in general, is seeing a dangerous political rightward shift. t In the Italian elections the Center Left coalition suffered a decisive defeat, and in Austria, Denmark, Sweden, and most recently in Portugal, right-wing forces winning the elections, are in office.. France, Holland, Ireland, among other countries, are to go to the polls shortly.

The discussions and the points made at the Italian party congress, generally endorsed by the representatives of the other European parties present, underlined two factors: (i) the new imperialist offensive post-September 11^th, 2001, and (ii), the severe global capitalist economic recession, which has meant further attacks on the livelihood and rights of the vast majority of the in Europe.

Such a rightward shift stands in sharp contrast to the fact that only a couple of years ago almost every single government in Europe was headed by Socialists or Social Democrats. The complete and utter bankruptcy of these 'centre-left' coalitions whilst in governmental, created massive popular alienation, disenchantment and discontent. And therein lies an important lesson.

What were these policies followed by these so-called Left. All of these governments without exception, , whether of Blair in Britain, Schroeder in Germany, or Prodi in Italy, on the one hand, brazenly supported and, at times even participated in the USA-led military assaults on sovereign countries, and on the other, enthusiastically embraced and implemented all the neo-liberal economic policies of globalisation that were having so devastating an effect on the people's livelihood. Large-scale alienation and the subsequent electoral defeat was inevitable. Thus the Social Democrats once again displayed their intrinsic character - when in opposition, with the working class; when in government, with the ruling class!

The question may be asked, why twas it that this discontent did not rally behind the communist parties rather than backing the political right? Part of the answer lies in the fact that in many countries the communist parties were in fact associated and identified with these centre-left coalitions. In some countries like France, they are in the government. Hence the disenchantment with the centre-left embraced the communists as well. However since there were some countries as Portugal, where the PCP not only had not associated with these coalitions, but on the contrary had sharply demarcated itself from the Social Democrats and their policies, and yet lost the elections - the PCP's vote went down by two per cent, and its representation in parliament was reduced from 17 to 12 - this obviously cannot be the complete answer.

One will have to await the PCPs review and analysis of these results for an explanation, meanwhile it is relevant to note that in Italy too, the Communist Refoundation Party when invited, had initially refused to join the centre-left coalition government, (though it subsequently supported the government), for reasons, as reported in these columns at that time, similar to those projected by the CPI(M) for a similar refusal in 1996. Later, when the Prodi government started implementing neo-liberal economic policies which attacked the people's livelihood, the Italian party withdrew all support and demarcated itself from such policies. However such demarcation was not enough to enable it to win the elections.

The discussion in the Congress, to which 68 participants contributed, threw up some interesting explanations. One was that the decade-long anti-communist propaganda blitz unleashed after he dismantling of socialism in the USSR and eastern europe, had succeeded in establishing a right-wing hegemony over political and intellectual thought in Europe. The Social Democrats while they had been able to gain electorally from a negative backlash against the past right wing anti-people policies, by pursuing similar if not identical policies. failed to politically consolidate this gain and thereby also failed to make any dent in, or challenge the right wing political and intellectual hegemony.

Even in this overall Right/Left polarisation the communists could not strikingly demarcate themselves, hampered by the fact that the Party had suffered two splits on the question of support to the centre-left Prodi coalition. On the second occasion a significant section of MPs, led by an influential leader Cosutta, left the Party after the decision to withdraw support to the Prodi government.

Despite these setbacks the Party still retained its position as the main communist force, because of its championing of various popular struggles and movements. Thus, while the MPs deserted the Party, the rank and file of the party militants rallied behind the Party, thereby enabling it to retain both its mass influence and striking force.

This was seen when, in the 2001 elections, the Party crossed the four percent ceiling required to be considered a national party, polling in fact over five percent of the total votes. This was all the more significant since rarely has any party achieved this while staying outside the two main political blocs. Normally in Italy all political parties join either the right or the centre-left blocs before the elections.

Further prior to the 2001 elections the earlier system of proportional representation was changed. The proportion of directly elected ‘first past the post’ seats was increased to seventy five percent, and those on the list basis reduced to twenty five percent. This worked against the interests of the smaller parties. As a result the Refoundation currently has eleven MPs and four senators, and is in a coalition government in the Rome municipality. Its basic strength lies in its ability to organise popular protest actions.

The recent highlight in this regard was the three million strong demonstration in Rome against the policies of the right-wing government. Though called by the Social Democratic-led trade union centre, CGL, the Refoundation fully supported and worked for its success. Many other groups and tendencies joined this action, been billed as the largest demonstration that Rome has ever seen! This success prompted the call for a general strike on April 16, 2002. See (Box) The Party Congress had given a stirring call to all sections of the people, apart from the harad core, the working class, to stay away from work on this day.

This was the background in which the Congress focussed on how to advance the movement and strengthen the Party. Ideologically, it reiterated that its initial objective of refounding the political project in Italy on a communist basis has become all the more relevant and necessary. This is so because, the Congress noted, the process of capitalist globalisation is generating its own defeat as witnessed in the recent global recession. In the process the exploitation of the people across the globe and also in the advanced capitalist world is on an alarming rise. In the USA the workers are today working 36 hours more a year than a decade ago; and in Italy the present generation is worse off than the preceding one.

This is not the ‘end of labour’ as capitalism proclaims but a period of ‘endless labour’. This is a period when ‘capitalism has gone crazy’ and the choice between ‘socialism and barbarism’ is beginning to be posed sharply.

Under these circumstances when a larger number of forces are coming forward against the imperialist war efforts and against the current neo-liberal globalisation, the Congress has made an urgent call to innovate in the efforts to unite these forces. At the global level, consolidation of the unity forged in action from Seattle to Genoa. At the domestic level the Party must move ahead of the ‘political geometry’ of alliances to strengthen the social and political struggles aimed at transforming the society.

While the objectives in themselves may be laudable, the discussions in the Congress itself raised many issues that require much further clarification. While there is little doubt that all forces ranged against globalisation need to be united, it is necessary to note the diversity in the motivation that brings these forces into action together. Not all these groups are motivated by anti capitalism, and the assesment of the revolutionary history of the 20^th century. The Congress finally adopted the 'Majority Thesis'.

The elections to the 135 member central committee also reflected these divisions. While 350 voted for the CC list, 112 voted against, and 42 abstained.

Notwithstanding these differences the Congress was supremely united in the determination to strengthen the communist movement by seizing the on the new manifestation of contradictions being thrown up by global capitalism. In their own charecteristically enthusiastic manner, quoting passionately from Gramsci to Fedrico Fellini (in whose city they were meeting), they gave the call for the communists to be innovative in forging an alternative Left both at the global level and in Italy.