IT was really surprising and beat one’s imagination to see how the government of India (GoI), run by the NDA conglomeration and led by the BJP, signed an agreement with the NSCN (IM). (The NSCN (IM) is a faction of the oldest and formidable insurgent outfit, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland.) The GoI thereby agreed that the ceasefire, obtaining between it and the NSCN (I-M) in the state of Nagaland since 1997, would now operate "without territorial limits." That meant that the ceasefire was to cover not only Nagaland but extend to all Naga-inhabited areas in the adjoining states of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam.

The agreement was signed in Bangkok on June 14 this year, after protracted negotiations. Hell immediately broke out in every nook and corner of Manipur, in vehement protest against the extension of ceasefire to Manipur. The reason was that the people of Manipur were apprehensive that a big chunk of Manipur, particularly the four tribal-dominated districts of Ukhrul, Senapati, Chandel and Tamenglong, would be cut off from Manipur and absorbed in the so-called Greater Nagaland. It will be recalled that Greater Nagaland has been a dreamland project of the NSCN (I-M) extremists.

What is noteworthy here is that, prior to signing of the above agreement, the GoI did not deem it fit and necessary to consult the concerned state governments, i e those of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. It is believed that even the Nagaland chief minister S C Jamir was not taken into confidence. One can safely assert that the entire episode of extending the ceasefire beyond the boundaries of Nagaland was enacted behind the back of the people and without the knowledge of the democratically elected state governments of the affected north eastern states. Thus the NDA regime blatantly violated the basic principles of a federal structure enshrined in the Indian constitution. So much for the wisdom and foresightedness of the BJP-led NDA government!

One will recall that a little after independence, in 1950, the Naga Hills district was put made an autonomous district within the state of Assam, under Part A of the sixth schedule of Indian constitution. The district then comprised the Kohima and Mokokchung subdivisions. In 1957, the territory of the Naga Hills district increased with the addition of Tuensang Frontier Division of NEFA (present Arunachal Pradesh). Later, while the insurgency in the Naga Hills area was in full swing, Nagaland was made a full-fledged state of the Indian Union on December 1, 1963. On the other hand, the people of Manipur, who had the proud record of fighting against the British rule as well as against the Japanese fascists, had had to wait for long after independence to attain statehood.

However, Naga insurgents from underground and some Naga enthusiasts overground began to claim lands beyond the borders of Nagaland. This was reflected in the resolutions adopted by the Nagaland state assembly on December 12, 1964, on August 28, 1970 and on September 1994, urging the government of India to integrate the contiguous Naga-inhabited areas. Most surprisingly, the Naga underground, especially the NSCN (I-N), has been claiming an area of 120,000 sq km to be included into the Greater Nagaland, whereas the present state of Nagaland occupies an area of only 16,579 sq km. Thus they would like to add more than 100,000 sq km area from the adjacent states of Manipur (area 22,327 sq km), Assam (78,438 sq km) and Arunachal Pradesh (83,743 sq km). How this claim for huge territories from three states of the Indian Union can be accommodated is anybody’s guess.

When the agreement was signed with the NSCN (I-M) on June 14, to extend the ceasefire without territorial limits, the state government of not only Manipur but also of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh registered immediate protest. They urged the central government not to proceed with it but to review and withdraw the harmful and obnoxious provision of the agreement, viz "without territorial limits."

For a long time, the people of Manipur have been apprehensive of the designs of the NSCN (I-M), a powerful insurgent outfit. This apprehension was also reflected in the resolutions adopted by the Manipur state assembly on March 24, 1995, on March 14, 1997, on December 17, 1998 and on March 22 this year, protesting against any vivisection of Manipur and resolving to protect its territorial integrity. The people of Manipur are aware of the claim made by the NSCN (I-M)-led tribal extremists that the four above-mentioned districts, out of the nine districts of Manipur, should be merged into the present Nagaland. The reason the NSCN (IN) has advanced is that most of the tribals in the above four districts are Nagas. This is, to them, necessary to realise their dream of a Greater Nagaland.

The reality is that the tribals, inhabiting Manipur for centuries, are not a homogenous entity. They speak various dialects and a tribal group does not understand the dialects others speak. Their common language is Meitei (Manipuri) which is the official state language of Manipur.

The total population (provisional) of Manipur, as per the 2001 census, is 23.88 lakhs. Of these, 15.3 lakhs are Manipuri-speaking Meiteis, and 7.1 lakh are tribals of various denominations, speaking several dialects. Of these tribals, about 3.5 lakh are Nagas and about 2.7 lakh are Kukis who do not see eye to eye with Nagas. Extremely bitter and bloody skirmishes have been fought between the NSCN (I-M)-led Nagas and the Kukis in the last 8 to 9 years; these battles have left more than two thousand killed and many more injured, belonging to both Nagas and Kukis.

There are about 75,000 unspecified tribals in Manipur, apart from 1.5 lakh people who came from different parts of the Indian Union but have permanently settled in Manipur.

As soon as the news of the ceasefire agreement extension reached the Manipur capital Imphal and other parts of the state, the people of Manipur rose against it, irrespective of their party or political affiliations. The All Manipur United Clubs Organisation (AMUCO) took the lead and called for a 66-hour general strike against the ceasefire extension. They burnt effigies of the prime minister, home minister, NSCN (I-M) leaders, central government’s emissary Padmanabhaiya and union home secretary Kamal Pande. They demanded that all the MPs and MLAs elected from Manipur resign forthwith, and burnt the offices of all-India and regional political parties.

The harsh repression by the police and armed forces failed to deter the tens of thousands of angry protestors from coming out in the streets and demonstrating against the ceasefire extension. On June 18, literally, lakhs of people, comprising women, students, teenagers and all other categories, thronged the streets of Imphal. They burnt the Manipur assembly secretariat building, and also the offices of the Manipur State Congress Party (MSCP), Indian National Congress (I), CPI, BJP, Samata Party, Manipur People’s Party, the chief minister’s office, the Planning Department office, MLA Quarters, MP Quarters, and the quarter of the advisor to the governor. They also beat up the assembly speaker and two MLAs. When the demonstrators were heading towards the Raj Bhavan, CRPF opened fire and shot dead 13 people. On and from June 19, demonstrations, jathas, sit-in dharanas, mass deputations, defiance of curfew and other forms of agitation continued to rock Imphal city, other district headquarters and remote villages for 40 days in a row.

The like of such a protest was never witnessed in the state since independence. Not only the Manipuris, big sections of tribals comprising the Kukis, Kabuis and even a section of Naga tribals permanently settled in Manipur came out in the streets to protest against the ceasefire extension and demand its withdrawal. Agitations against the ceasefire extension, in one or another fprm, continued in different parts of Assam and Arunachal too.

Since all the political parties, except the CPI (M) that is not a big force in Manipur, stood discredited because of repeated floor crossings, blatant opportunism and unashamed corruption, the entire agitation was led by the United Committee of Manipur (UCM). This is a conglomerate of student, youth and club organisations comprising the AMSU, AMUCO, AMKIL, NIPCO, IPSA and UPF. As a result, MLAs, MPs and well-known leaders from several political parties fled to New Delhi for safety and camped there till the GoI withdrew the controversial clause "without territorial limits" from the agreement at the fag end of July.

Though the CPI (M) is a small force in Manipur, its members as well as the SFI’s and the AIDWA’s activists participated in large numbers and played a big role throughout the agitation.

It is no mean achievement that during the six long weeks of agitation against the ceasefire extension, involving untold sacrifices, repression and violence inflicted on unarmed men, women and teenagers in Imphal city and other important areas of Manipur, there did not occur a single incident of attack or assault on the Naga, Kuki or other tribals. Nor was there any harassment of the minorities. It is true that a section of Naga tribals living in Imphal had left the city on their own in order to have security of life. Yet they were not at all coerced by the agitationists to do so. Though young and lacking in experience, leaders of the agitation kept their cool and exhibited maturity in guiding the agitation to its logical conclusion, thus forcing the GoI to concede the most reasonable demand of deleting the controversial clause. In effect, the ceasefire agreement between GOI and NSCN (I-M) will now remain confined to the state of Nagaland.

Naturally, the NSCN (I-M) leaders will feel frustrated at the turn of events and have expressed their dissatisfaction. But both the BJP-led government at the centre and the leadership of the NSCN (I-M) have to realise that it is dangerous to ride roughshod over the feelings of millions of people on such a delicate matter like tampering with the boundaries of the existing member states of the Indian Union. On the other hand, while congratulating themselves on the successful conclusion of their glorious struggle, agitationists and their leaders cannot afford to rest content. It is sincerely hoped that, in cooperation with clean, honest and upright political activists in the state, they will endeavour to continuously struggle against the corrupt and blatantly opportunist politicians and parties in the state. This cannot but be a complex and sustained struggle, but it will be worth fighting in memory of the martyrs who laid down their lives for the noble cause of preserving the territorial integrity of Manipur.