People's Democracy

THE Left Democratic Front in Kerala has begun its election campaign. It is now three weeks since the list of candidates was announced. The manifesto of the LDF was also released soon after. In contrast, the UDF announced its final list of candidates only a few days ago, after the bitter public squabbling within the Congress was settled by a patch-up at the instance of the "high command". The manifesto of the UDF is yet to be released.

The electoral battle in Kerala is always hotly contested between the two fronts led by the CPI(M) and the Congress respectively. Behind these two contesting combinations lie two different approaches and policy platforms. The CPI(M) and the Left in Kerala is the inheritor and carrier of the progressive policies and social changes which have marked out Kerala as a unique state. After Kerala was formed as a unified linguistic state of the Malayalees, the first government formed was that of the Communist Party, headed by E M S Namboodiripad. This significant event marked the beginning of historic changes, which had far-reaching effects on Kerala society and politics. The Left Democratic Front, which has been in office for the last five years, has carried forward this progressive current. It has recorded substantial achievements in the development of the state and in defending the rights and livelihood of the people.

The difference between the LDF and the UDF concerns both the political approach and the economic policies to be pursued. While the LDF is a combination of the Left, democratic and secular forces, the UDF represents a combination of caste and communal groupings headed by the Congress. While the LDF carries forward the progressive traditions of the state, the UDF represents an alliance of all the vested interests out to thwart any progressive changes. In the economic sphere, the LDF government stood for the implementation of policies different from the policies of liberalisation adopted by the central government for the past one decade, whether it be of the Congress or later the BJP. The UDF is an unashamed advocate of the policies of liberalisation and privatisation which are now being implemented by the BJP-led government at the centre.

The UDF constitutes a combination of parties which represents the vested interests of various communities, and a set of policies which would roll back the progressive features of Kerala's development.

Politically, the combination continues to have contradictory and opportunistic interests. After the Congress, the second major partner is the Muslim League. Following this are parties which are various factions of the Kerala Congress. There are also a couple of self-seeking leaders who are hangers-on of the Congress, like M V Raghavan.

The Congress and the Muslim League have had periods of tension especially after the dubious role of the Narasimha Rao government during the demolition of the Babri Masjid. The Muslim League knows very well that the Congress is an unreliable force as far as the firm defence of secularism and the minorities is concerned. But its desperation to be in government is the main feature which cements its alliance with the Congress.

The Congress party does not hesitate to flirt with the BJP while being allied to the Muslim League. Time and again in Kerala, the Congress has had underhand deals with the BJP in selected constituencies. This was so in the 1991 assembly and parliamentary elections, and such arrangements were evident in the recent local body elections. It is well known that the BJP has come to an agreement with the different partners of the UDF. In the seat where M V Raghavan is contesting in Thiruvananthapuram, the BJP has not put up a candidate. After the nominations are over the extent of the "cooperation" between the BJP and the various UDF partners will become clear. As in West Bengal, the Congress in Kerala has as its prime aim, the task of defeating the Marxists and gives a go-by to its secular commitments by conniving with the BJP.

The public positions adopted by the Congress leadership in Kerala betray this dangerous approach. Unlike the Congress at the all-India level, the state leadership has been noticeably less vocal and even silent on issues where the Vajpayee government has come under attack such as the tehelka exposures.

The RSS continues its murderous attacks on CPI(M) cadres in Kannur district. This is an obvious ploy to foment violence and help the UDF to gain ground in this stronghold of the CPI(M).

The Congress leadership in Kerala is marked by its willingness to join hands with all varieties of communalists. The People's Democratic Party (PDP) led by Madani, which is an extremist Muslim organisation, has declared support for the UDF. Madani, who is in jail after having been implicated in the Coimbatore blasts, has instructed the PDP to ally with the UDF after talks were held between the PDP, the Congress and the Muslim League. As far as the Kerala Congress (Mani) group is concerned, it has shown itself capable of an extraordinary degree of opportunism. In the panchayat elections, it struck a deal with the BJP in some areas.

It is with such a motley crowd that the Congress has declared war on the LDF.

However, everything is not well within the Congress camp. Karunakaran, after raising the banner of revolt, has now agreed to a compromise patch up, with both the Anthony faction and the Karunakaran faction getting 37 seats each. There are four recognised factions in Kerala. The other two have been allotted 9 and 5 seats respectively. The bitterness, which has spread over the denial of seats, and clashes over distribution of tickets, has led to the UDF campaign not taking off. Eventually when it does launch its campaign, the Congress party will focus its entire diatribe against the CPI(M) and the LDF. It has no time whatsoever to spare for attacking the BJP and the policies of the Vajpayee government.

The CPI(M) candidates list in contrast was announced much earlier. The significant feature being the Party's decision to put up a fresh slate of candidates. Many veterans, including chief minister Nayanar, are not contesting, and most of those who have served two terms in the legislature have also stepped down.

What is noteworthy is that the Nayanar government has implemented policies against the prevailing current of policies being pushed through by the BJP-led government at the centre. Firstly, in the area of infrastructure, the LDF government has been able to increase production in the power sector by adding an extra 1086 mw of electricity. This has ended the regime of power cuts and load-shedding which marked the previous UDF regime. This has been accomplished without accepting the model for power sector development sought to be imposed by the centre, which wishes to scuttle the state-run electricity boards by indiscriminately promoting the private sector.

The LDF government has also succeeded in reviving some of the state public sector units, which were in difficulties. Industries like Travancore Titanium, Metals & Minerals, and Malabar Cements, have been turned around and are now running at a profit. Traditional industries like cashew were protected and employment guaranteed with minimum workdays.

On the agrarian front, Kerala has been badly hit by the import policies of the Vajpayee government. The removal of quantitative restrictions from April 2001 has affected the agrarian economy of Kerala badly. Despite this, the LDF government could increase the cultivation of rice and agricultural production by bringing extra acreage of land under cultivation.

Confronting the relentless attacks on the public distribution system, Kerala has maintained an effective public distribution system. Price rise has been checked through the widespread network of fair price shops and the addition of 1018 Neethi stores.

As against the BJP-led government's policy of handing over vital economic sectors to foreign capital and big business and accepting the dictates of imperialist-driven globalisation, the Kerala state government adopted the unique experiment of People's Planning. Under this plan, the panchayati system has been revitalised with devolution of finances for involvement of the people in formulating the development projects.

The election manifesto of the LDF has announced a set of measures which will carry forward the gains made in the last five years and initiate new steps to develop new industries like IT, and for generating employment.

As far as corruption is concerned, the LDF government was marked by a serious drive against those who indulged in corrupt practices while holding public office. The conviction of K Balakrishna Pillai, the former electricity minister, was a landmark in this anti-corruption drive. The former chief secretary has also been tried and convicted on corruption changes. Cases of corruption are pending against five other ministers of the previous UDF government.

The Congress party facing the elections in Kerala and West Bengal has sought to camouflage some of the policies it adheres to. As far as Kerala is concerned, the greatest harm inflicted by the Congress has been the changes in the export-import policy which were brought about during the Narasimha Rao government. The signing of the agreement in 1994, which led to the formation of the WTO with the adverse terms for India, was effected by the Congress government. Even today, the Congress subscribes to the policy of reducing tariffs drastically. As recently as the Lok Sabha elections in 1999, the election manifesto of the Congress party promised to reduce tariffs on imports by more than half. The manifesto stated "the objective of tariff barrier will be to reach levels prevalent in South East and East Asia in the next two to three years and global levels shortly thereafter." This would mean bringing down tariffs to around 12 to 15 per cent as against 30 to 35 per cent prevailing now.

Faced with the distress in Kerala after the drastic fall in the prices of all agricultural commodities like coconut, rubber, arecanut, the Congress Party cannot escape the blame for this disastrous policy which it began and is now being pursued by the BJP government.

It is not true, as the media propagates, that the people of Kerala do not re-elect an incumbent government. For a whole decade 1970-1980 it was the Congress-led coalition which won two successive elections. The LDF was poised to return to power in the 1991 elections, but for the Rajiv Gandhi assassination, which produced an extraordinary situation. Recently, the Congress leader A K Anthony warned that Kerala may become a West Bengal if the LDF is allowed to return to power. Anthony will be proved right in this warning. The people of Kerala will vote for the LDF again, just as the people of West Bengal have been repeatedly reposing their confidence in the Left Front.