People's Democracy

IT is for the first time that a CPI(M)-led government in Kerala is going to complete its term. Though it looks ironical, it is not really so. It is part of historical knowledge that basic changes in the society of this Malayalam speaking state were brought about by the struggles and legislations under the communists. And yet, neither the undivided Communist Party nor the CPI(M), which represents the bulk of the masses, could complete a full term in government so far.

The reason for this is not far to seek. The main reason is that it is mostly anti-communists who headed the central government during the last 44 years of Kerala’s existence as a state. In 1957, a communist government led by late Comrade EMS assumed office in Kerala, but was dismissed in 1959 by the central government under Jawaharlal Nehru following the anarchy created by a "liberation struggle" against the state government. This so-called "liberation struggle" was an imperialist-sponsored one, as its participants and leaders later admitted to the world.

But the reforms initiated by the EMS government radically changed the Kerala society. Land reforms bill, education bill, a new agriculture policy, the legislation to stop eviction of tenants by their landlords on flimsy grounds, etc, were a few of the steps taken by this government. The anti-people, right reactionary, casteist forces and other vested interests in Kerala and elsewhere could not tolerate the existence of a government that was attacking at the very roots of their arbitrary powers they had been exercising for centuries. Getting the necessary financial and other assistance from imperialism headed by the USA, they all came out on the streets to create troubles against that government.

The irony of that "liberation struggle" is that though none of those who led it repented for the crime, none can claim that it was a democratic act. Most of the UDF leaders of today received their political baptism during that very "liberation struggle." A K Antony, for example, was a leader of the "One Anna Struggle" against the communist government of 1957-59. Vayalar Ravi is another example of such leaders.

That "liberation struggle" created an evil legacy of destructive politics in Kerala, of a brand of politics that is devoid of the element of sacrifice, of the politics that is a means of livelihood. This self-seeking politics deprived the Congress party of the internal strength it had earned during the freedom struggle. Congress leaders were now prone to the pleasures of life without caring by what means these pleasures are achieved.

When the second assembly elections were held in February 1960 after the dismissal of the communist government, the PSP under Pattom A Thanu Pillai took over the government with Congress-League support. It was a minority government, with the Congress supporting it from outside. The IUML was told that it could not be included in the ministry as the Congress would not support a ministry that included a communal party. The League’s leader K M Seethi Sahib was made the assembly’s speaker when he formally resigned from his party.

In 1962 Pattom was appointed the governor of Punjab and R Sankar became the first Congress chief minister of Kerala in September 1962. The Sankar ministry killed many of the reforms in land relations brought about by the earlier EMS ministry, by annulling the radical provisions in the land reforms act. But the Sankar ministry had a short span of only two years due to internal strife in the Congress party. When P T Chacko had to resign as home minister due to his affair with some lady, this infuriated him and he who formed a clique around himself within the Congress. After his demise, members of the clique voted the Sankar ministry out and formed themselves into the Kerala Congress, which is at present split into a number of factions. The Kerala Congress factions draw their followers mainly from among the Christians of central Travancore.

After the undivided Communist Party split in 1964, the CPI(M) won the maximum number of seats in the third election held in 1965. Most of the CPI(M) leaders were in jail on the fictitious charge of being Chinese agents; the rest were in hiding. But the victorious detenues were not released and allowed to form a government. Instead, the assembly was dissolved and president’s rule was imposed in Kerala after the election just because the communists had won the largest number of seats. The Congress was unable to form a ministry in spite of its concerted efforts.

In the next election in 1967, the Congress was reduced to a miniscule minority in the assembly; it got only 9 seats. This election again brought the communists to power, but this time in alliance with the IUML, socialists, etc. The IUML joined ministry in Kerala for the first time. The CPI(M) and the CPI joined hands. This government continued the radical measures initiated by the earlier communist government. But this government fell down when the miniscule Congress manoeuvred to forge a new alliance with the parties participating in the second EMS ministry. It may be recalled that it was with the success of this conspiracy that K Karunakaran became a prominent leader of the Congress party. But the new government was constrained by circumstances to enact the land reforms bill as the atmosphere throughout the state was heated by the struggles for the rights of the tenants and landless people.

After the next election, a Congress-dominated front came to power though it was led by C Achutha Menon of the CPI. It was the declaration of Emergency in this period that enabled the existing Kerala government and the fourth Kerala assembly to continue from 1970 to 1977. This was a period of inhuman excesses in the history of our country and of Kerala.

In the March 1977 elections to the Kerala assembly, a Congress-led coalition came to power though the Congress was ousted from power at the centre for the first time. Karunakaran became the chief minister. This period saw big controversies over the excesses during the Emergency. The democratic forces exposed what the Congress and its henchmen did during the Emergency. A typical example was the disappearance of Rajan, a REC student. Karunakaran was forced to quit as chief minister as a result of this incident after holding the office for just one month. He was forced to quit when the High Court made certain references against him during the hearing on the habeas corpus filed by Rajan’s bereaved father, Professor Eachara Varier.

A K Antony now became the chief minister. But he resigned as chief minister when the Congress resolved to put Mrs Indira Gandhi as its candidate in Chikmagalur (Karnataka) in a Lok Sabha bypoll. He was pretending to be an arch-democrat after remaining in the Congress even during the Emergency. On his resignation, P K Vasudevan Nair of the CPI became the chief minister from October 1978 to October 1979. After him, C H Muhammed Koya (IUML) became the chief minister.

In the January 1980 election to the sixth Kerala assembly, a part of the Congress under Antony allied with the Left. E K Nayanar of the CPI(M) became the chief minister. But this ministry had to go when the Antony faction stabbed in its back. Antony, who had fulminated against the Emergency, now changed sides and again joined the Congress party. His faction, who had got elected with the support of the communists and other democratic forces, supported Karunakaran to form a ministry. The new Karunakaran ministry came to power in 1981. But this ministry had to resign, again due to internal strife.

After the assembly elections in 1982, the UDF came to power under Karunakaran. This ministry became a by-word of corruption and other evils. So when the next assembly polls were held in 1987, the LDF came to power with a clear mandate from the people.

This poll was significant in another sense also. The IUML men had so far been claiming that it was their party that would decide as to who should rule Kerala. But in this election, the LDF came to power in flying colours in spite of the IUML’s opposition. Also, a few in the CPI(M), who wanted to forge an alliance with the IUML, were expelled from party for their anti-party activities. Thus this success of the LDF clearly showed which way the wind was blowing in Kerala politics. It was towards the Left. The new ministry brought about far reaching changes in the Kerala society. It began the decentralisation process by enacting a law for introduction of the district councils. The total literacy programme was another important, radical step this government took.

Elections to the ninth Kerala assembly were held along with the Lok Sabha polls in 1991. Butwhen the LTTE extremists assassinated Rajeev Gandhi in May 1991, this created a sympathy wave in favour of the Congress which otherwise would have been routed in the Lok Sabha and assembly elections. After the election, K Karunakaran formed a ministry in Kerala. But the charge of espionage again rocked the Congress party in Kerala. Karunakaran had to resign once again and Antony once again became the chief minister. He proved his inability to the core by ill-conceived policies whereby he dried up and drained the state’s coffers. His ministry became a synonym for corruption and immorality.

It was in this background that the election to the tenth Kerala assembly was held in 1996 along with the Lok Sabha elections. The people elected the LDF with a clear majority. The tenth Kerala assembly can proudly claim to have initiated several great measures with far reaching results. It has empowered the people of Kerala to decide and plan their life in their own way. The ninth five-year plan in Kerala was implemented as a People’s Plan as 40 per cent of the total plan outlay was given to local self-governing bodies to implement their own projects and schemes. Power was almost fully decentralised. For the first time, Kerala has become a state with surplus power in spite of many odds.

It is with this glowing tradition that the LDF is facing the election to the eleventh Kerala assembly. This time, the CPI(M) is contesting 77 seats, the CPI 24, Janata Dal (S) 12, NCP 11, Kerala Congress (J) 10 and RSP 6 seats. The Indian National League has decided, on its own, to support the LDF.

On the other hand, the UDF is out to try all sorts of undemocratic means to face this election. It is trying to ally with the BJP, which they claim to oppose at the national level. They have tried desperately to create all types of disturbances in the otherwise peaceful state. They have created incidents in Nadapuram and concocted stories to depict the CPI(M) as a monster. But, even though the UDF goes to any extent to capture power, it won’t be able to do so in a peaceful atmosphere. Hence it is out to desperately mobilise the army of criminals at its command. But the LDF cadres realise that peace is the precondition for their success and progress.