People's Democracy

EDITORIAL

Depressed And Frustrated

THIS year, the annual ritual of the RSS chief’s address on vijayadashami was used as a platform to launch a vituperative anti-communist tirade. Having lost the general elections and the subsequent defeat in the elections to the Maharashtra assembly confirming that the Indian people, in larger numbers, are rejecting the communal agenda and platform, has obviously pushed the RSS into deep throes of depression and frustration.  This speech reflects the consequent desperation at the people’s rejection of the RSS agenda for modern India. 

The RSS chief states that the communists are “anti-Hindu” and their influence and support to the Manmohan Singh government is dangerous for the country.  It is all the more dangerous because the UPA government cannot survive without the support of the communists. In a sense such an attack is nothing new. The RSS had all along maintained that the internal enemies of its fascistic project of converting the modern secular democratic Indian Republic into a rabidly intolerant “Hindu Rashtra” are the Communists, Muslims and Christians.  Golwalkar devotes an entire chapter in his book “Bunch of Thoughts” on this issue. 

By mounting such an attack on the communists, the RSS is reconfirming the fact that it is the communists who, today, are the staunchest defenders of the secular democratic foundations of the Indian Republic.  Further, given the present political situation where the support of the 61 Left MPs is crucial for the Manmohan Singh government, the RSS is aghast at the prospect where the Left will exercise its influence on the policies pursued by this government.  Further, the RSS is clear that the vacillating and, at times, compromising attitude of the Congress towards communal forces will not be allowed to surface by the Left in terms of government policy. It is this that irks them the most and, hence, this expression of a frustrated outburst. 

The RSS, as always, has, once again, appointed itself as the sole custodian of Hindu society. Anybody who stands opposed to the RSS fascistic ideology is supposedly, therefore, “anti-Hindu”. The ludicrousness  of the RSS claim to solely represent the vast divergent Hindu society is there for all to see.  Further, in the recent elections, as on every occasion earlier, it is the majority of secular Hindus who have contributed to the defeat of the RSS/BJP.

More significant is the fact that the RSS attacks secular Hindus vehemently.  While committing atrocities on religious minorities, the RSS does not spare secular “Hindus”. The most classic example is the brutal assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, a practicing Hindu who died uttering the words `Hey Ram’.

The RSS, today, stands for undermining the foundations of modern India and to convert it into a fascistic “Hindu Rashtra”. It is this that the Left and the communists have opposed and shall continue to oppose.  And, on this occasion, in the recent elections, a vast majority of Indians – consisting of all religious denominations – have risen to prevent the continuation of the RSS/BJP in State power. 

Hence, greater the intensity of RSS outbursts against the communists, greater is the steadfast expression of the Indian people to safeguard and strengthen the secular democratic foundations of the modern Indian Republic.

In the course of this anti-communist diatribe, the RSS chief has made wild accusations against the performance of the Left Front government in West Bengal. He has charged that the living conditions of the people have worsened under the Left Front rule (perhaps that is why they have voted for the Left Front with increasing support during the last three decades!) But let the facts speak for themselves.

At the outset, however, it needs to be reiterated that Bengal is a proud integral part of India. No one state or region in India can develop in isolation given the fact that our Constitution vests the power and authority to determine the economic policies for the country as a whole with the central government. No state government can embark on an independent trajectory.  Despite these constraints, West Bengal has unprecedented achievements under the Left Front rule. When the Left Front government assumed office in 1977, the poverty ratio in West Bengal was nearly 52 per cent. In 1994, this had come down to 26 per cent, a decline of 4.2 per cent per year. West Bengal thus ranked the first, in poverty reduction, amongst all states in India. Incidentally, the state ranking second is Kerala, with 3.7 per cent decline per year. (Source: India: Policies to Reduce Poverty, World Bank, 2000). In comparison, the rate for Maharashtra was 2.7 percent and in 1994 43.5 per cent of its population lived in poverty.

Similarly, in terms of annual rates of growth of the gross state domestic product and per capita income, West Bengal’s performance is way above the national average. The growth rate of state income was 7.2 per cent compared to Maharashtra’s 5 per cent and that of per capita income of 5.5 per cent compared to 2.9 per cent in Maharashtra.  The all India average was 6.3 per cent and 4.3 per cent respectively. 

Phenomenal advances have been made in the sphere of agriculture during this period, with West Bengal transforming itself from being a chronic heavy food-deficit state into one with surplus. It is today the highest rice producing state in the country. West Bengal contributed nearly 20 per cent of the increase in rice production in the entire country. The yield per hectare has also shown substantial increase. More than 90 per cent of the state’s agricultural holdings belong to marginal and small farmers, as a result of the success of Operation Barga.  As a result of the successful implementation of land reforms, noted economist Dr Nilakant Rath, some time ago, analysed that while the growth in per capita net domestic product of the agricultural production between 1981-82 and 1994-95 went up by 22 per cent for the whole of India but in West Bengal it went up by a whopping 70 per cent. In 1981-82, West Bengal was amongst the lowest in the country with its per capita net agricultural product being 18 per cent lower than the all India average. By 1994-95, it was above the all India average by about 10 per cent.

These phenomenal achievements in agriculture have once again validated the position that land reforms are not an exercise meant only to achieve distributive rights. While achieving this they also unleash rapid leaps in productivity, which go a long way in reducing the overall levels of poverty.

In terms of distributive justice, it merits repetition that nearly 13 lakh acres of agricultural land were distributed amongst the landless. These were illegally held by vested interests in the past. Even if a nominal value of Rs 1 lakh per hectare is considered, then the value of the land distributed would be to the tune of Rs 13,000 crore. Such has been the dimension of asset redistribution in West Bengal in favour of the poor and landless.

Can any other state in the country, apart from Kerala (where again it is because of the prolonged rule of the communists), boast of such a record?  For the RSS and its chief, however, such facts of reality are of no relevance or consequence for their congenital anti-communism. 

No amount of raving and ranting by the RSS can reverse the Indian people’s resolve to safeguard the Republic and its secular democratic character from the RSS  fascistic communal agenda.  It is this tendency in Indian politics that the Left will continue to strengthen for the  benefit of both the  people and the country.